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THE 



CRIMINAL HISTORY 



<JF THE 



ENGLISH GOVERNMENT; 



FROM THE 



FIRST MASSACRE OF THE IRISH, TO THE POISONING 

OF [HE CHIM- 



IN EUGENE REGN \l LT 

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, with NO 

BV | \ I M KRICAN. 



NEW YORK: 

J. S. REDFIE L 1), CLINTON HA L L 
PHILADELPHIA: THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT, & CO. 

BOSTON "I IS BROADERS, & CO. 



1843. 



't 



THE LIBRARY 
OF CONGRESS 

WASHINGTON 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, 

By J. S. REDFIELD, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern 

District of New York. 



PREFACE. 



For four hundred years, France was at war with Eng- 
land, and for four hundred years the power and influence 
of France increased : for twenty-five years the two powers 
have been allies, and for twenty-five years the glory of 
France has lost its brightness, and her power has been 
diminished. Powerful and respected so long as she re- 
sisted the encroachments of her rival, she has received 
nothing but insult and contempt since the inglorious treaty 
of alliance has been formed. 

Happily, such bonds are broken. The treaty of the 
15th of July was the signal for the divorce of this unnatu- 
ral union. But in this divorce, France has felt all the 
shame of repudiation : and that the lesson might be thor- 
oughly learned, the ministry which depended for its per- 
manence upon the happiness of this English alliance, has 
been the first victim of its rupture. We ought, however, 
to be grateful that it hastened a separation, demanded by 
the nature of things. 

Among the vast conceptions of Napoleon, the greatest, 
undoubtedly, was the gigantic plan of a continental block- 
ade, the only effectual method of retaliation against the 
universal and insupportable tyranny of the English govern- 
ment, which had outraged the world by its perfidies. It 



1 PREFACE. 

was a measure of morality, as well as one conducive to 
the public safety : the honor of nations was protected, and 
their peace preserved, when they had no communication 
with a power which sustained war by corruption, violated 
peace by intrigue, and disgraced both peace and war by its 
artifices. England, imprisoned in the seas which surround 
it, was pointed at by the world as an infected plague-spot, 
which ought not to be approached. Concentrating its vices 
in itself, as in an immense lazaretto, it would have per- 
ished had nations listened to the voice of Napoleon, who, 
on this point at least, was the organ of civilization. There 
is, however, still time to do this. It is justified by new 
transactions, it is deserved by former crimes. 

The Criminal History of the English Government re- 
quires neither declamation nor hyperbole. The facts speak 
for themselves. To narrate, is to accuse ; to read, is to 
condemn. In these hideous annals, where every page is 
a blot, and every line an injury, we are embarrassed only 
by the fecundity of crime, and the richness of the subject. 
Let us not, however, be misunderstood : we shall not pre- 
tend that the English people are accomplices of the gov- 
ernment. Such an accusation would be too general, and 
to it we must make exceptions. Nations are responsible 
only in proportion to the degree of liberty they enjoy. 

We wish, however, to oppose that criminal oligarchy 
which Napoleon cursed on his death-bed ; we wish to hold 
up to the execration of every people, that odious commu- 
nity of feudal merchants, which has systematized pillage, 
and made a tradition of deceit. 

We extend our hand readily to the people of Britain, but 
the aristocracy which holds them enchained in pompous 
slavery must be overthrown. 



PREFACE. j 

Hitherto, success has seemed to reward broken faith, 
and justify dishonor. Those greedy calculators who specu- 
late in politics, and make a brokerage business of diploma- 
cy, display with pomp their ill-gotten wealth, and insult 
virtue by the magnificence of their unusual fortune. Will 
not a people arise to avenge the nations ? And will France, 
always the aid of the oppressed, will she now refuse to 
succor Providence ? 

In former times, when this same England swerved from 
the paths of Christianity, and returned slowly to Saxon 
Paganism, it was from the borders of France that the sol- 
diers of the sovereign pontiff departed. The time has 
now come to chastise these degenerate Normans, as it was 
done in former times. England has violated the rights of 
all nations, and has thereby put herself out of the pale of 
justice. May the banner of the European crusade bo 
unfurled against her ! May every nation and city repeat 
the sacred cry ! God wills it ! Never was excommuni- 
cation more deserved : and when the colossus of clay shall 
crumble beneath the blows of an indignant people, never 
in the history of empires will a larger ruin present a more 
instructive lesson. 

1 # 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I.— Ireland. 

Page. 
Introduction 9 

I.— From the first invasion to the Reformation— 1168-1509 • - 10 
II.— From the Reform to Charles I. — 1509--1625 .... 14 
III.— From Charles I. to William of Orange— 1625--16SS - - 20 

IV. — From the time of Queen Anne to the Union of Great Britain and 

Ireland— 1701 --1S00 - 27 

V. — Union and Emancipation — Actual state of Ireland — 1S00--1841 • 46 

CHAPTER II. — War of American Independence. 
I. — Allies of the English — Savages, Hessians, and Negroes - - 51 
II. — Ravages and cruelties — New York prisons — Old Colon — Julia 

Smith 59 

CHAPTER III.— The Indies. 
I.— History of Pondichorry— Recall of Dupleix— Capture and Re-cap. 

ture of the City— Vandalism of the English— 175 1--1 793 - • 70 
II. — New persecutions of the English — Imaginary conspiracies — Per- 
fidy of their conduct at the peace of Amiens — Bad faith after the 

final Restitution— 1793--1S16 76 

III. — Origin and progress of the English power in India — Ruin of the 
Mogul power — The contests between the Hindoos and Mussul- 

men • 8] 

IV._ Col. Clive— Conspiracy of the English against the Sonbahof Ben- 
gal, Surajah Doulali— His defeat and assassination— Villany of 
Col. Clive— Misery of the Indians— Accusation of Clive before tte 

House of Commons — His acquittal • 87 

V. — Government of Warren Hastings - 98 

VI.— Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan 123 

CHAPTER IV.— Malta 143 

CHAPTER V.— Naples IW 

CHAPTER VI.— France. 
I,— Revolution— The English Government calumniates the Fnnch 
Revolution— It attacks the allies of France — It organizes tlv Co- 
alition — Treaties of Pilnitz and Pavia 174 

II.— Acts— Hostility of the English Government against France 7 before 
any declaration of war — Pitt continues his system of caluvmy in 

regard to the Revolution " -178 

III.— Recall of the British Ambassador from Paris— Secret Negotia- 
tions with Dumouriez — Pitt provokes a declaration of wtr - - 181 
IV.— Efforts of England to form a coalition against France in foreign 
countries— Pitt wishes to defame the French— Plan ff Burning 
and Assassination in the Republic """/"" ^ 

V.— Toulon I '- • • 190 

VI.— Means of corruption used by Pitt's agents ■ /• - -195 



8 CONTENTS. 

Page. 

VII. — Subsidies granted to Prussia to maintain the coalition - - 196 

VIII. — Assassination of the Baron of Goetz — Austria again joins the 

coalition 197 

IX. — La Vendee — Quiberon 19S 

X. — The English Government continues to defame France— It organ- 
izes conspiracies among the Royalists— Affairs of Brotier and 18e 
Fmctidor 203 

XI. — Assassination of the French Plenipotentiaries at Rastadt — Viola- 
lion of the Convention of D'Elarich — Assassination of Kleber — 
Second coalition formed by England - - 205 

XII. — Consulate — England refuses Peace— English Conspiracy — Infer- 
nal Machine — Peace of Amiens — Violation of the treaty by Eng- 
land 209 

XIII.— From the commencement of the Empire to the Present period 212 
CHAPTER VII— The Chinese War. 

I. — History of the Commerce of Opium — Effect of Opium on the Hu- 
man System— Double purpose of England in extending the taste for 
this drug among the Chinese 215 

II. — Prohibition of the Opium trade — Real motive of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment 227 

III. — History of the Rupture — The English Government declares war 
against China— Its bad faith 229 

IV. — Commencement of the Campaign against China — Capture of Chu- 

san — Barbarity of the English — Bombardment of Amor - - 234 

V. Suspension of Hostilities — England again breaks the peace - 237 

CHAPTER VIII,— England. 

1. — Internal policy of the British Government — Oppression of the peo- 
ple by the Aristocracy — Pauperism 242 

CHAPTER IX. — Tortures of prisoners of war. 

I.— Hulks of Chatham 258 

II.— Hulks of Cadiz 266 

III.— St. Helena 268 

CHAPTER X. — Wab in time of peace — violation of the rights 

01 NEUTRAL NATIONS 271 

CHAPTER XL— Canada. 
I. — Persecutions of the Canadians by the English - - - -280 
II — Resstance is organized — The English authorities excite insurrec- 
tion— Destruction of the Caroline, and massacre of the crew - 287 
III. — Misson of Lord Durham— Deceitful amnesty - - - -290 
IV.— Seconl insurrection — Executions— Pillage and Burnings - - 292 
V. — Conduc of England towards Canada since the end of the Insurrec- 
tion 294 

VI.— Disastnus effects of English policy in the Provinces adjacent to 

Canada 295 

Conclusion 297 



THE 

CRIMINAL HISTORY 

OF THE 

ENGLISH GOVERNMENT 



CHAPTER I. 

IRELAND. INTRODUCTION. 



The history of almost every nation teaches that war 
has been a means of intellectual development, rather than 
an engine of destruction : invasion, by bringing men vio- 
lently together, has formed between them social bonds 
which they would not have accepted without this powerful 
intervention, and most frequently great conquerors have 
done much to advance civilization. In Ireland, war has 
been unattended with recompense ; invasion has produced 
only a dissolution of the social ties, and conquest has 
served but to establish barbarism. 

We have to read over annals different from everything 
else taught by history, to relate crimes without precedent, 
unparalleled atrocities, and inhuman deeds of cruelty. First, 
bloody battles, where victory has no future ; furious en- 
counters, which leave nothing decisive, except carnage ; 
then a legal persecution, a judicial assassination, the tor- 
tures of a subtle process : no longer victories in the field 
of battle, but triumphs in courts of assize ; no one of those 
noble deeds which serve to excuse war, but a combat by 
decrees, an invasion by constables, a spoliation by judges. 



10 IRELAND. 

The law is stripped of its sanctity and changed into an 
instrument of war, and the law-book becomes a catechism 
of immorality ; honors are paid to informers, encourage- 
ment is given to family discords, and rewards are offered 
to the parricide. The manufacturing industry is destroyed 
by prohibitory duties ; agriculture is ruined by a partition 
of farms ; the extortions of landholders are superadded to 
the exactions of the government ; and finally religious mar- 
tyrdom is added to political martyrdom, a Protestant inqui- 
sition is established, a hundred times more intolerant than 
that of Torquemada, and the cottage of the Catholic peas- 
ant is sold to pay tithes to its inquisitors. These are the 
exploits by which England has signalized her rule over 
Ireland — these are the glorious titles of this commercial 
government, which, even in her tyranny, may defy com- 
petition. 

Time brings relief to every sufferer : in every country 
civilization assuages some pains, and dries some tears. 
But in Ireland time has wrought no change ; civilization 
has taken nothing from the executioner, has given nothing 
to the victim. Like Ixion on his wheel, the Irishman 
passes uninterruptedly through the same succession of pains, 
meeting a torture at every point of the circumference of 
ages, and contending vainly in a bloody circle, which 
always brings the same agonies. 

I. FROM THE FIRST INVASION TO THE REFORMATION 

1168-1509. 

It is worthy of. remark, that Pope Adrian IV., who, in 
the name of the Church, invited Henry II. to the conquest 
of Ireland, was by birth an Englishman. It seems that 
from the very first, the hatred of the Irish for every one of 
English descent may find its justification even in the per- 
son of the sovereign pontiff, who gave the signal for per- 
secution. It was not, however, till twelve years afterward, 



IRELAND. H 

that the Anglo-Normans invaded Ireland, upon the invita- 
tion of Dermot, king of Leinster, who had been driven from 
his estates by Roderick O'Connor, supreme chief of Erin. 

To his call responded Robert, s % on of Stephen, then 
Richard Strongbow, count of Pembroke, with a numerous 
suite of Norman chevaliers.* These formidable warriors 
soon restored Dermot to the possession of his estates. 
Their large horses cased in iron, their lances eight cubits 
long, their cross-bows and coats of mail, gave them an irre- 
sistible superiority over the Irish, who were mounted on 
small horses, and who had as means of attack thin javelins, 
and for defensive armor only light wooden bucklers and 
long tresses of hair twisted and pendent from each side of 
the head. 

But these formidable allies soon assumed the language 
of rulers. Thus, when Dermot, who had conquered by 
their aid, requested them to return to England — " What 
do you ask !" said Robert to him ; " we have left our dear 
friends and our much-loved country ; we have burnt our 
vessels ; this was not done with the idea of flight ; we have 
already fought your battles at the risk of our lives ; and 
now, come what will, we are destined to die or live here 
with you." 

Other adventurers soon came and joined those who had 
first disembarked, and then most cruel robberies and mas- 
sacres commenced. The first vassal of the Anglo-Normans 
was the very Dermot whom they had come to assist ; their 
first possession was this kingdom of Leinster which they 
had come to protect. 

The Anglo-Normans then proceeded westward, and drove 
before them the inhabitants, who, after ineffectual attempts 
at resistance, emigrated in crowds, and took refuge in the 
mountainous countries situated beyond the river Shannon. 
The invaders divided among themselves the lands of the 
fugitive Irish, and when the latter were compelled by fam- 
* Hanmer's Chronicle ; Augustin Thierry ; De Beaumont. 



12 IRELAND. 

ine to return, the Anglo-Normans received them as serfs 
upon the soil of their own fields.* 

The invasion, however, was arrested by the courageous 
defence of the chiefs' of the west and north ; and although 
masters of the east and the south, the adventurers were 
obliged to cover the territory they occupied with fortresses, 
to protect themselves against the continual uprisings of the 
oppressed Irishmen. 

The conquered territory was then called the pale, on ac- 
count of its numerous palisades and fortifications ; but these 
palisades were often overturned by the heroic efforts of the 
natives, and in terrible contests, the Irish poured forth their 
blood in torrents, which the cruelty of their conquerors found 
inexhaustible. During four ages of constant warfare, the 
invaders were confined to the Pale, notwithstanding the 
reinforcements sent to them from England ; and they con- 
tinued seemingly encamped in an enemy's country rather 
than peaceable possessors of a conquest, the beginning of 
which had been so easy. 

We must say also that the English kings endeavored to 
keep up hostilities, and to prevent any alliance which might 
give repose to Ireland. For in every period, in the middle 
ages as well as at present, the English government has al- 
ways acted the part of an oppressor. As soon as amicable 
relations began to be established between the Anglo-Irish 
and the natives, the kings interfered, and if they could not 
again cause a commencement of hostilities, laws were pass- 
ed which separated the one from s the other, and kept them 
constant strangers to each other. In the reign of Edward 
I., however, the native clans, who found that the English 
establishments were encroaching upon them, and therefore 
that it was very important to conciliate them, offered of 
their own accord to terminate the war by submission, and 
demanded to be considered as subjects of England. But 
the term subject would have bestowed upon them the bene- 
* Augustin Thierry ; Spenser's State of Ireland. 



IRELAND, 13 

fits of the English law, would ensure them against the con- 
stant and regular depredations of their powerful neighbors, 
and the official title of servitude was refused, lest it should 
become a title of protection. 

Formidable insurrections responded to tyranny which 
no longer sought disguise ; and then came royal armies, 
who understood the practice of massacre and confiscation 
by wholesale, better than the barons. 

At every insurrection came new troops of English ad- 
venturers who were in need of lands ; and every poor and 
ruined nobleman sought to repair his fortune in a country 
where murder and pillage gave a title to property. 

The Irish had tried submission, but to no effect ; they 
had resisted, but ineffectually ; they now had recourse to 
the last resource of the oppressed, emigration. Many left 
their desolate country 10 eke out on the continent a less 
cruel existence. But this act of despair was soon forbid- 
den. A law of Henry IV. " forbade the Irish enemies to 
leave the country." They were not wanted as subjects, 
but were kept as slaves. 

This invariable system of hostility and oppression soon 
descended to the children of the ancient colonists, who had 
adopted a wiser policy than the government, and who by 
commerce, marriage, and alliance, accustomed the natives 
to peace. This abnormal tranquillity was soon interrupted 
by royal laws. 

It was ordained that every Norman or Englishman by 
birth, who should marry an Irish woman, or should assume 
the Irish dress, should be treated like a native of Ireland, 
that is, should be a serf both in person and property. There 
were royal ordinances in regard to the dressing of the hair 
and beard ; every man having a moustache after the manner 
of the Irish, or wearing any many-colored garment, might 
be lawfully killed. Every English merchant who traded 
with the Irish was punished by the confiscation of his goods, 
and every Irishman who was found travelling in that part 

2 



14 IRELAND. 

of the island inhabited by the Anglo-Normans, was regard- 
ed as a spy. The grand council of the Irish barons and 
chevaliers, who, like those of England, assembled annually 
in parliament, were regarded nearly with as much hatred 
and contempt as the national assemblies held by the na- 
tive Irish upon the summits of the hills.* By an ordinance 
of Henry VII., Parliament was forbidden to assemble with- 
out the approbation of the king, and even then it could 
only vote upon propositions drawn up in England. Thus 
this union of the colonists, called the Irish Parliament, was 
not permitted to have an independent action, lest it might 
be beneficial. The impulse of the evil took its departure 
from the government, and it appeared excessively jealous 
of this horrible commencement. The colonists, who had 
received the law, might depend upon it ; the native could 
not call upon it for defence ; for him it was only an instru- 
ment of vengeance. If he dared to accuse, it was referred 
to its judges ; if lie was accused, he was obliged to appear 
before an English tribunal, and prompt justice was render- 
ed to the paria. 

II. FROM THE REFORM TO CHARLES I. 1509—1625, 

The Irish had been declared enemies by the English 
law, as we have already seen in the ordinances of Henry 
IV.; and it is the only article of the English law, says 
Thomas Moore, to which they have remained constantly 
faithful. From that time, they repelled with holy anger 
the men, the laws, and the institutions of England. The 
term English was the greatest offence in the vocabulary 
of their injuries. 

Some opinion may then be formed of their just indigna- 
tion when the English armed themselves with a new form of 
tyranny, termed the Reformation ; when those who had robbed 
them of their property, their houses, and their country, 
* Augustin Thierry ; Ancient Irish Histories. 



IRELAND. 15 

wished also to despoil them of their religion ; to torture 
their souls as they had tortured their bodies, and to drive 
them away from the belief of their fathers, which alone 
had consoled them under so much misfortune. A benefit, 
if offered by the English, would have been received with 
distrust : what reception, then, could be given to that worst 
of bad actions, apostacy ? 

Despotism became more furious, and resistance more 
obstinate. In vain did Protestant fanaticism tear open the 
bleeding wounds of Ireland. National hatred strengthened 
itself with religious hatred, and persecutions imparted to 
the victim a new degree of vitality, which fatigued the 
executioner. 

Elizabeth, who was equal to her father in her concep- 
tions of wickedness, resolved to conquer this obstinate re- 
bellion. Her plan of pacification was very simple : it was 
to exterminate the natives. Her idea is found in this re- 
mark of one of her intimate counsellors : " If we under- 
take," said he, k> to restore to this country order and civili- 
zation, it will soon become powerful and rich. The inhab- 
itants might then think of being independent. It ought, 
therefore, to be our principle to keep the country in a shite 
of confusion ; for so long as Ireland is lacerated by internal 
dissensions, she will never attempt to detach herself from 
the crown of England."* These words express the policy 
which was constantly followed in regard to Ireland. And 
no one of Elizabeth's successors has forgotten this lesson. 

This advice was soon followed by action. One of the 
most powerful chiefs of Minister, Count Desmond, who 
only asked to live in peace with his powerful neighbors, 
was obliged by constant provocations to revolt. Then com- 
menced the work of destruction, and the whole country 
was soon changed into a frightful desert. " This province," 
says a contemporary author, " which was heretofore rich, 
very populous, and fertile, covered with green pastures, 
• Letters oi Sir H. Sidney. 



16 IRELAND. 

crops, and herds of cattle, is now deserted and barren j it 
bears no fruit ; there is no grain in the fields, no cattle in 
the pastures, no birds in the trees, no fish in the rivers ; in 
short, the curse of Heaven on this country is so great, that 
you may pass through from one extremity to the other, and 
you rarely see a man, woman, or child."* 

Another eye-witness remarks : " Although this province 
was extremely rich and fertile, yet in a few months it was 
reduced to a scene of desolation, and its inhabitants to a 
state of misery unexampled in history. These unfortunate 
people came from the recesses of the woods and from the 
depths of the valleys, crawling upon their hands, for their 
legs could not support them ; their features were those of 
death, and their voices were like those of spectres from 
the tombs. They lived upon the carcasses of animals which 
had been left in the roads to die, happy when they could 
find them, and they were often obliged to dig up dead bodies 
to gorge themselves with fetid flesh. When they found a 
spot of cresses, or even of trefoil, they crowded to it as to 
a festival. But these herbs were soon exhausted, and in a 
short time neither man nor beast was found in this country, 
formerly so rich and beautiful."! 

Famine succeeded so well in the province of Munster, 
that it was applied systematically in Leinster and Ulster. 
The soldiers received orders to destroy the grain in the 
fields, to burn the harvests in the barns, and to leave the 
inhabitants no means of subsistence. The chiefs set them 
the example. The governor of Carrickfergus, Sir Arthur 
Chichester, marched at the head of his troops and burned all 
the vegetation for twenty miles around. Sir Samuel Bag- 
nal, commander at Newry, followed his example. Famine 
was the political remedy for all the evils of Ireland, and it 
was found to be the most expeditious mode of pacifying the 
country. 

In proportion as the desolation extended itself, the revolt 
• Hollingshead ; De Beaumont. f Spenser's State of Ireland. 



IRELAND. 17 

increased. But Elizabeth and her friends found this anew 
source of profit. One of her ministers told her that a pow- 
erful chief, O'Neal, was suspected of revolt. " Do not be 
uneasy," replied she, " but inform our friends that I shall 
have new lands for their disposal." 

And in fact six hundred thousand acres of land were 
confiscated in the province of Munster alone, and distribu- 
ted to the English, but with the express condition that the 
new possessors would not permit a single farmer of Irish 
origin to live on their lands. The ancient inhabitants of 
the soil, being dispossessed of their domains, sought an 
asylum in the wilds and forests, and on the rough and un- 
cultivated mountains of Ireland.* 

The murderous action was so well performed, and the 
triumph of desolation so perfect, that Lord Gray, governor 
of Ireland, wrote to the queen that : ' her Majesty would 
soon reign over only ashes and dead bodies." Elizabeth 
had a medal struck, with this legend: Pacata Hibernia. 
And in fact all the powerful chiefs of Ireland were killed ; 
the clans were dispersed or extinguished ; the Celtic feu- 
dality was conquered ; and then was commenced upon the 
people a war in detail. 

The succession of the Stuarts imparted some hopes to 
the Irish, it being generally understood that these princes 
favored Catholicism. James I. soon undeceived them by 
issuing the following proclamation : " His Majesty having 
learned that his Irish subjects have allowed themselves to 
be deceived by false reports, and that his Majesty would 
grant them liberty of conscience, and the free exercise of 
their religion, his Majesty declares to his dearly beloved 
subjects of Ireland that he will admit no such liberty of 
conscience, nor any of the acts mentioned in these false 
reports," &c. &c. 

The king was faithful to his promise ; the exercise of the 
Catholic religion was severely prohibited, the priests were 
* De Beaumont ; Leland. 
2* 



18 IRELAND. 

banished, and terrible were the chastisements reserved for 
those who gave them an asylum. All the Catholics were 
obliged to attend every Sabbath the Protestant service, 
and, by a refinement of persecution, Catholics of high rank 
were selected as spies to denounce those of their brethren 
who did not worship at the Protestant churches. Those 
brave men who refused to take part in this infamous espion- 
age were thrown into prison, and subjected to heavy fines. 

But the most odious character of this reign was the 
hypocritical legalization of the pillage, aided by the as- 
sistance of the tribunals. This sophistical king, who was 
pleased with the chicanery of law and theology, exercised 
the subtleties of his mind in making a legal war upon the 
Irish. Under pretence of rendering to every one his due, 
he established a general investigation into all the titles of 
property : and as these titles were obliged to be in con- 
formity to the English law, most of the heads of Irish fami- 
lies, who held their lands only by tradition, were driven 
from their possessions, which were annexed to the royal 
domains, or were bestowed on lords who came from the 
borders of the Thames or Clyde. Those who had titles, 
saw them contested by lawyers, who came in crowds to 
sustain the rights of the king. Throngs of pettifoggers 
travelled about through cities and country, verifying and 
contesting titles, deciphering parchments, and disputing the 
right to property. 

To add to the cruelty of this legal mockery, the decision 
of contested cases was intrusted to a jury. But every 
juryman who did not decide in favor of the crown was im- 
mediately thrown into prison. In one case, by this method 
of intimidation, an entire county was annexed to the crown. 
In 1611, a commission was instituted to examine the rights 
of his Majesty to the county of Wexford. The jury re- 
sponded to the royal claim, and gave a verdict of igno- 
ramus ; that is, against the crown. The commissioners 
refused to accept the verdict, and summoned the jurymen 



IRELAND. 19 

before the court of exchequer. Five of them, having per- 
sisted in their decision, were imprisoned by order of the 
commissioners.* In the same way, under pretext of a 
conspiracy, which for the first time perhaps in Ireland was 
imaginary, six entire parishes of Ulster were annexed to 
the crown. 

More than five hundred thousand acres were thus placed 
at the disposal of James ; and as he did not wish to forget 
his countrymen in the division of his favors, the Scotch 
were invited conjointly with the English to share the con- 
fiscated property. From this period dates the Presbyterian 
colony, which founded the city of Londonderry in the north. 
Finally, to prevent the Irish from concealing their misery, 
they were chased from the woods which had served them 
for an asylum, and they were compelled to live in the 
plains. 

The indigenes, says Leland, were driven to the woods 
and mountains by the colonists of Elizabeth, and had found 
there natural fortresses, of which they took possession. 
Here they lived in obscurity, strangers to the habits and 
arts of agricultural life, upon the spoils of the chase, and 
the milk of their cows. As their numbers increased in 
spite of their misery, they soon became formidable, be- 
cause, being concealed, they could conspire and plot against 
the English in secret and with impunity. 

James, who dreaded secret enemies, obliged his new 
colonists to reside in the woody and mountainous parts of 
the country, while the native population was driven from 
them and compelled to wander in the plain, where it was 
more easily exposed to the mercy of its oppressors. One 
of the most dangerous instruments in the hands of this 
subtle king was the Anglo-Irish parliament. This colonial 
parliament had been hitherto considered only as an impedi- 
ment by kings who preferred to appeal to the power of 
their swords. But James, who loved disputations rather 
* Leland. 



20 IRELAND. 

than contests, understood thoroughly all the advantage 
which he could derive from a slavish constituency. Profit- 
ing by the good examples in England, he created a number 
of rotten boroughs, which elected all the civil and military 
officers of the lord-lieutenant of Ireland. When repre- 
sentations were made to him in regard to this subject, he 
answered by buffoonery, verifying the old proverb — the 
bigger the fool, the more he laughs. 

III. FROM CHARLES I. TO WILLIAM Of ORANGE 1625- 

1688. 

Charles I. had, as the executor of his will in Ireland, 
one of those energetic despots whose acts necessarily lead 
either to absolute power or to the scaffold, — Wentworth, 
afterwards known as Lord Strafford. He was as cruel as 
Elizabeth and as cunning as James, and combined the two 
systems of oppression. He availed himself with equal 
dexterity of the powers of the man-at-arms and of the man 
of law. 

One province of Ireland had hitherto escaped confisca- 
tion, and no English colony had as yet been established in 
it, to wit, the province of Connaught. Strafford resolved 
to do fromage to his sovereign by despoiling this province 
for the king's benefit, and to do away with an exception 
which served as a bad example. He assembled his forces 
and took up his line of march, followed by an army of 
bailiffs and a troop of soldiers. The first were designed to 
falsify the law, the others to do it violence. The former 
proved, by all the arguments of legal logic, that Connaught 
belonged to the king alone, and the others scrupulously 
executed the decisions of this high tribunal, and impressed 
upon all a salutary terror, which curbed all opposition to 
the law. In the county of Galway, however, Strafford met 
with an obstinate resistance ; and no less than a dozen 
juries were called to decide between the inhabitants who 



IRELAND. 21 

wished to keep their lands, and the crown who wished to 
take them.* 

Strafford understood thoroughly the importance of the 
triumph in this first public discussion. Every pains was 
taken, and neither promises nor threats were spared, and 
yet, notwithstanding all these efforts, the juries decided 
against the pretensions of the crown. 

No language can paint the fury of Strafford when he 
heard this verdict. By his own authority he imposed a 
fine of a thousand pounds sterling on Sheriff Darcy, who 
was guilty, as he said, of summoning an evil-disposed jury. 
He even arrested the jurymen, and brought them before the 
star chamber of Dublin, where each one was compelled to 
pay a fine of four thousand pounds sterling, and to declare 
before the lord deputy, not only that his opinion was erro- 
neous, but also that he had perjured himself. They all 
energetically refused to submit to this humiliating decreet 

While the minds of men were still terrified by these acts 
of violence, a new jury was called together by Strafford, 
which decided that the county of Galway, like the rest of 
Connaught, had always belonged to the king. The confis- 
cation was then complete, and all the Irish possessions 
were seized. The history of the government of Strafford 
is only a constant series of such outrageous acts of vio- 
lence, that they served as the basis of an accusation which 
brought him to the scaffold. Among other misdeeds, his 
accusers state that he said publicly that " Ireland was a 
conquered nation, and might be treated by the king as he 
saw fit." This was certainly the first time that English 
judges considered the oppression of Ireland as a crime ; 
and one can form some idea of the enormity of the exces- 
ses, when their recollection was useful to the anger of its 
enemies. 

The royal master of Strafford, however, already pun- 
ished in the person of his minister, was alarmed by this 
* De Beaumont. f Leland j Lingard ; De Beaumont. 



22 IRELAND. 

terrible lesson, and now turned his attention towards the 
Irish people, who had been so unworthily sacrificed. Fi- 
delity to misfortune ought to be found in a nation always 
unfortunate. From this time, he attempted to cover the 
past with oblivion ; every project of colonization was aban- 
doned ; and even the Irish were assured that the idea of 
taking their lands had never been entertained. But as Beau- 
mont remarks, with much truth — " From the time that 
Charles I. ceased to persecute Ireland, and abandon the 
leading feature of the age, which was to convert it at any 
price to Protestantism, he was no longer king of England." 

We may add also, from the time that the Irish undertook 
the defence of the king, they declared by that that they did 
not recognise him as the representative of the English gov- 
ernment. Besides, they were Royalists rather by circum- 
stance than by sympathy. Resisting the cruel fanaticism 
of tin- Puritans, they found natural allies in those cavaliers, 
who were contending against the same enemies. 

New and less practised provocations Were still necessary 
to excite a rebellion, from which some greedy Protestants 
wished to profit. It is well known that the parliamentary 
government, faithful to the traditions of preceding govern- 
ments, obliged the Irish to embrace revolt as a refuge against 
greater evils. One of the lord justices of Ireland, Sir Wil- 
liam Parsons, went about proclaiming everywhere that the 
Catholics must be utterly exterminated. Sir John Clot- 
worthy exclaimed in Parliament that her papists must be 
converted with the Bible in one hand, and the sword in the 
other. The Puritans, masters of the king and of England, 
proclaimed a crusade against modern Babylon. Ireland did 
not wait for an invasion, and in October, 1641, a general 
insurrection broke out. Those ancient proprietors whom 
James I. had driven from their land, then returned and de- 
manded their property from the Protestant colonies. In a 
few days, in the province of Ulster alone, O'Neil, leader 



IRELAND. 23 

of the rebellion, found himself at the head of 30,000 sol- 
diers. 

It is remarkable that in these first moments of reaction, 
and in the massacres of the Protestant colonists, not a 
Scotchman was slain. The English were the only ene- 
mies, and the insurgents swore not to lay down their arms 
until Ireland was freed from its oppressors. England re- 
sponded to this oath with a loud cry of vengeance ; parlia- 
ment ordered the destruction of the Catholics ; an act was 
passed by government, to pursue the Irish both on land and 
on sea, and to kill them wherever they might be taken. 

Faithful to these instructions, the captain of a vessel 
named Swanley, having seized a ship in which he found sev- 
enty Irish flying towards the Continent, tied them back to 
back and threw them into the sea. At. Philippaugh, a 
hundred Irish prisoners were shot by the Scotch. Another 
troop of Scotch, garrisoned at Carrickfergus, invaded a poor 
district termed the Island of Magee, the inhabitants of which 
had taken no part in the rebellion, and cruelly massacred 
the whole population. 3000 individuals, men, women, and 
children, were thus inhumanly butchered. In another part, 
Colonel Matthew massacred 150 peasants, whom he had 
tracked into the woods, as if they were hares. 

The English parliament sent an army of 50,000 men to 
execute its cruel orders, and the lord justices, commission- 
ers of parliament, gave the soldiers the following instruc- 
tions : — 

Order to attack, kill, massacre, and extinguish, all the 
rebels, their adherents, their connexions and accomplices ; 
to burn, destroy, devastate, pillage, consume, and demolish, 
all places, cities, and houses, where the rebels have been 
assisted or received ; all the crops, wheat or hay, which 
may be found there ; to kill and destroy all male individu- 
als, and all capable of carrying arms, who may be found in. 
the same places.* 

* Lingard. 



24 IRELAND. 

To pay the expenses of the war, parliament procured as 
a loan a large sum of money, for the payment of which the 
property of the Irish Catholics was made responsible. Two 
millions five hundred thousand acres of land were hypothe- 
cated to those who speculated on the price of blood. 

A civil contest then commenced in the bosom of Ireland, 
which presented all the characters of a war of savages. 
Burning and pillage were the watchwords of both parties ; 
the prisoners on both sides were assassinated ; but the 
government had set the example. 

Finally, the Irish united with the Royalists, and became- 
masters of all the forts, and nearly all the cities of the king- 
dom, but as yet there was no end to the horrors of anarchy. 
The English and Scotch Presbyterians, although beaten 
on all sides, had yet force enough to ravage and destroy ; 
and this was done so thoroughly, that in many provinces 
the people were restored to their primitive state, and wan- 
dered about the country with their tents and their herds, 
stopping wherever they could find water, grass, and wood. 
Some counties were even so wretched, that, to use an ex- 
pression of the country, there was not water enough to drown 
a man, wood to hang him, nor earth to bury him. Immense 
portions of territory remained uncultivated and desolate, and 
the traveller was obliged to carry provisions for his jour- 
ney with him, as if he had been travelling through a desert. 

This horrid state of things lasted for eight years until 
the coming of Cromwell, armed, as he said, with the exter- 
minating sword of Gideon. The cruelties of this ferocious 
conqueror far exceeded those of the Presbyterians who had 
preceded him ; upon his memory rests the obloquy of all 
the iniquities of this period ; and yet his army, so cruel in 
contest, was the first English army that observed a strict 
discipline in Ireland, and respected the inoffensive inhabi- 
tants. Thus, this Cromwell, who had massacred for five 
days uninterruptedly the brave population of Drogheda, 



IRELAND. 25 

hung two of his soldiers in the presence of his army, for 
stealing two chickens from the cabin of a poor Irishman. 

He, however, pursued his work of extermination with 
fierce activity, in which he was seconded by a new auxili- 
ary, the plague. Nothing could resist this double scourge. 
Ireland was rendered pacific when it was depopulated. 

The whole soil was now divided like a domain legally 
confiscated. Those merchants who had advanced funds 
for the war were paid, and the remainder was distributed 
to the officers and soldiers. Ireland became a fund to dis- 
charge all the claims of the conquerors ; it served to pay 
the immense debt of the civil war, and to satisfy the avidity 
of the army.* 

The plague, famine, the scaffold, and the battle-field, had 
not yet had enough of victims. The Catholic population 
was still in the majority. Other expedients were now 
adopted. A thousand young girls were taken from their 
mothers, and transported to Jamaica, where they were sold 
as slaves. In this manner, 100,000 persons were trans- 
ported. 

But death and transportation did not do the work fast 

enough ; there were still too many Catholics for the safety 

of the English. It was then resolved to expel them in a 

mass. Three of the four provinces of which Ireland is 

composed, were reserved exclusively for the Protestants ; 

the Catholics were banished to the fourth. This province, 

the last asylum offered to the remains of the proscribed 

nation, was Connaught. It is separated from the rest of 

Ireland by the river Shannon, and presents a vast country, 

which had been entirely desolated by the plague and by 

massacres. By an act of parliament, the Catholic Irish 

were obliged to proceed to this province on a certain day, 

under pain of death, and their English rulers had the right 

of killing all who disobeyed, and even the women and 

children. " To Hell or Connaught'''' was the laconic order. 

• Villemain ; Histoire de Cromwell. 
3 



26 IRELAND. 

These proscriptions, however, were made after a terrible 
war 5 these confiscations were ordained by a conquering 
enemy ; the acts of violence were explained, but not ex- 
cused, by religious fanaticism. But what was the despair 
of the Irish, when Charles II. assented to the proscriptions 
against the partisans of his own cause, and sustained the 
confiscations of the Long Parliament ! On the death of 
Cromwell, who had robbed them, on the return of the kings 
whom they had defended, the Irish expected to be re- 
stored to their rights, and to the possession of their prop- 
erty. They regarded their rights as the same as those of 
Charles Stuart. But Charles Stuart declared them reb- 
els, and legalized the conquest made by his Protestant sub- 
jects, the term he applied to Cromwell, Ireton, and Brough- 
hill. The only effect of the restoration was to place an 
official seal upon the pillage of their property, and to legiti- 
matize their sufferings. 

The Irish Parliament, full of Protestants, sanctioned the 
royal decision, and the natives awaited a new occasion to 
revolt against England. This was presented when James 
was expelled by the aristocracy. For three years they 
battled manfully against their eternal oppressors, although 
receiving but little assistance from the king, whom they 
were defending against a wily antagonist. 

One remark of an Irish corporal, taken prisoner at the 
battle of the Boyne, proves that they fought from national 
feelings, and not from any special regard for their monarch. 
" Let us change kings," said he to his captors, " and we 
will begin the battle again." 

Finally, the siege and capture of Limerick terminated 
the war. The Irish obtained an honorable capitulation, and 
laid aside their arms under the guarantee of a solemn 
treaty, known as the " Articles of Limerick," which con- 
firmed to the Catholics liberty of conscience, and the en- 
joyment, of their property. This treaty was solemnly 
ratified in England, and sealed with the great seal of the 



IRELAND. 



27 



chancellor. But it was also violated. The Catholics were 
again persecuted furiously. The responsibility of this per- 
secution, in violation of the treaty, must rest entirely with . 
the English aristocracy, because William III. often tried, 
but in vain, to protect the Irish ; he was obliged to close 
his eyes against the cruelties of his ministers ; and in 1692 
the English parliament complained, in their address to the 
king, of his too great indulgence for the Irish people. 

IV. FROM THE TIME OF QUEEN ANNE TO THE UNION 

OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 1701-1800. 

At this period, legal persecutions were established with 
a violence which recalled the odious days of Queen Eliza- 
beth. At this period was passed the infamous law entitled 
" An Act to prevent the Increase of Popery." By this law, 
if the eldest son of a Catholic embraced Protestantism, the 
father was at once reduced to the condition of a " tenant for 
life," reversion in fee being secured to the convert, and to 
the detriment of his co-heirs. A Catholic was not permit- 
ted to be the heir of a Protestant ; a Catholic father was 
forbidden to educate his children and to be their tutor, but 
they were placed under the charge of the nearest Protest- 
ant relative, or of a tutor named by the court of chancery. 
A Protestant proprietor could not marry a Catholic female ; 
and, finally, no Catholic was permitted to purchase ground 
or to take long leases. The Catholics had nothing to do 
with the soil, except to labor on it ; they were, in fact, the 
agrarian vassals of the Protestants. 

Such was the code of morals formed by the Irish Parlia- 
ment, under the direction of the court of England. Every 
political event, even occurring out of Ireland, became a 
pretext for new cruelties upon the people. Thus the 
Scotch insurrection of 1715 acted against the Irish. On 
this occasion, the parliament recommended the magistrates 
to act vigorously against the Catholic priests, unless they 



28 IRELAND. 

wished to be declared enemies of the constitution. In 
1726, it was ordained that every Catholic priest who should 
. consecrate a marriage between Catholics and Protestants, 
was guilty of a felony, punishable by death. In 1744, 
the monasteries were abolished, the churches were closed, 
worship was forbidden, even the priests were pursued and 
trailed like wild beasts, and all the Catholics were dis- 
armed. In 1745, the Protestants became terrified by a 
new insurrection in Scotland, and the propriety of a gen- 
eral massacre of the Catholics was discussed in the privy 
council of Dublin. 

The fact that violent persecution strengthens belief was 
seen particularly in Ireland. The Protestants, notwith- 
standing the reinforcements which they were constantly 
receiving from England, remained always numerically infe- 
rior to the Catholics, and a starving population crowded 
around them. Even the oppressors suffered from the ad- 
vantages conferred upon them. If a Protestant landholder 
wished to dispose of his grounds, he could find no buyers, 
because the Catholics were disqualified from purchasing. 
If he wished to increase the value of his property by a 
long lease, there were no lessees ; if he desired to loan 
his money on bond, he dared not lend it to a Catholic, for 
he was exposed to the danger of seeing his money pass 
into the hands of an apostate son, who might take it from 
his father by becoming a Protestant. Finally, the Pro- 
testants saw their resources diminish constantly, in conse- 
quence of the legal incapacity of those around them. All 
business transactions were hampered with restrictions, and 
the Protestant himself was most deeply interested in vio- 
lating laws which granted to him his odious privileges. In 
every part of the kingdom, contracts were made secretly 
and contrary to law. There was a legislation of contra- 
band, in which the whole nation became an accomplice. 
This, doubtless, was a remedy for legal wrongs, but the rem- 
edy was very weak, for any one might be victimized by the 



IRELAND. 29 

faithlessness of the man with whom he had made an illegal 
contract. The father remained constantly exposed to the 
spoliations of his son ; the property of the Catholics was 
unsafe ; the life of the priest depended on those who knew 
his hiding-place ; and marriages contracted contrary to law 
might be broken at any time. 

From this time, there were found Protestants in the 
ranks of those who contended against English influence. 
The quarrel assumed a national character ; even the de- 
scendants of the ancient barons of the Pale — the colo- 
nists who were identified with the soil — were as loud in 
their exclamations as the rude children of the Celts ; and 
the Presbyterians united with the Catholics to attack the 
English aristocracy which ruled at Dublin. 

In the Irish Parliament, hitherto mute and servile, were 
heard loud exclamations, and the ministry expended enor- 
mous sums to purchase a majority. This necessity of pur- 
chase was doubtless extremely disagreeable to England, 
who had so long commanded the votes gratuitously. In 
1785, Lord Claire, the attorney general, said in open par- 
liament, addressing himself to the opposition — " More than 
half a million has been expended within a few years to 
triumph over the opposition. You ask still more;" — and 
his gestures seemed to add, " You shall have it." 

On the other hand, at the same period, one of the mem- 
bers of the opposition most remarkable for his talents and 
incorruptible firmness, Graltan, exclaimed, " You have no 
law of responsibility for your ministers, and your men of 
state laugh at that justice which spares the head and com- 
promises only their reputation. And yet we have had in 
this country many bloody scenes : the aristocracy has had 
its victims, the church has had its victims, the people have 
had their victims — why not then the ministers ! But here 
history presents a gap. In Ireland, Mr. President, you are 
not armed with the axe, and that is the reason you have 
not known a good ministry." On another occasion, Grat- 



30 • IRELAND. 

tan exclaimed against the English administration : " Do 
you believe, then, that the laws of this country can have 
any authority under a system like yours ? — a system which 
has not only sullied the ermine of justice, but has even 
poisoned the sources of legislation ? You have done well ; 
your purchased majorities may pass a law, but purchased 
majorities cannot give authority to the law. Notwithstand- 
ing all the assertions of your paid friends, I regard you all 
as the leaders of faction invested with authority." 

This language was uttered by a Protestant against the 
English authority. Another Protestant, a descendant of 
one of the Norman families, who was one of the early in- 
vaders of Ireland, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, was still more 
energetic in his opposition. It was at the time that the 
French Revolution filled the world with agitation and the 
Irish with hope. These latter, like the revolutionists of 
Paris, had formed themselves into associations, the most 
numerous of which was that of the United Irishmen ; they 
had organized a national guard. The Irish harps, sur- 
mounted by the cap of liberty, floated on their standards ; 
and their sympathy with France was avowed as boldly as 
their hatred for England. On the 14th of July, 1790, the 
fete of the French federation was celebrated with great 
pomp at Dublin ; many addresses were sent from all parts 
of Ireland to the constitutional assembly ; and when the 
coalition of kings at Pilnitz declared war against France, 
the United Irishmen of Belfast voted money to aid the 
French armies. When the retreat of the Duke of Bruns- 
wick was known, there were public rejoicings in many of 
the cities, and the United Irishmen of Dublin sent commit- 
tees to all the members of the society to celebrate this 
happy event. 

These manifestations terrified the government. The 
lord-lieutenant issued a proclamation to interdict the so- 
ciety. To give this proclamation more force, he submitted 
it to the sanction of parliament. An address was therefore 



IRELAND. 31 

proposed to the lord-lieutenant in the session of the 31st 
of January, 1793, in which the chamber approved of the 
proclamation, and offered its assistance to prevent the as- 
semblages of the societies. The principal members of the 
opposition, and Grattan himself, terrified by the republican 
language of the clubs, had spoken in favor of the address, 
when Lord Edward Fitzgerald arose. " Sir," said he, 
addressing the speaker, " I disapprove of this address en- 
tirely ; for, in my opinion, the king has not in the kingdom 
a subject more disloyal than the lord-lieutenant, and in this 
assembly members more evilly disposed than the members 
of the majority." A violent clamor then ensued ; the cry, 
11 To the bar !" was heard on all sides ; the assembly left 
their seats, and, during three hours of agitation, they at- 
tempted in vain to obtain a retraction. It was finally deci- 
ded that Lord Edward Fitzgerald should appear the next 
day at the bar of the house. As the house went into secret 
session, the explanations of Fitzgerald are unknown, but 
they could not have been very humble ; for when the vote 
was taken whether his excuse should be admitted or not, 
the proposition was rejected by a majority of sixty-five. 
The destiny of Lord Fitzgerald was so singular, and the 
latter years of his life are connected so intimately with the 
history of Ireland, that a few words in regard to him will 
not be uninteresting. 

Edward Fitzgerald, fifth son of the Earl of Leinster, one 
of the chiefs of the Irish opposition under George II., was 
about ten years old when his father died. A short time 
afterward, in 1773, he was brought by his mother into 
France to Aubigny, which belonged to his maternal uncle, 
the Duke of Richmond. There he spent the six most 
pleasant years of his life, and the constant affection which 
he always exhibited to France and to Frenchmen, was, in 
his opinion, only a debt of gratitude. 

He returned to England in 1779, and two years after- 
wards was appointed lieutenant in a regiment which was 



<£ 



32 IRELAND. 

ordered against the Americans. Here he soon distinguished 
himself by his talents and courage, and took a very active 
part in every battle, until he was obliged to quit active ser- 
vice by a severe wound. Peace was concluded before his 
recovery. It was, however, at this period that his republi- 
can principles became established, and it was in righting 
against the cause of Liberty that he learned to die in her 
service. 

From the United States, Fitzgerald went to Canada, 
where he availed himself of the leisure of a garrison life 
to visit the tribes of Indians. There, taking part in their 
adventurous existence, he passed with them through forests 
unexplored by Europeans, sharing their dangers and their 
fatigues, and rinding, as he says, an inexpressible charm in 
the life of the desert. 

In 1789 he returned to London. Shortly after his re- 
turn, the Duke of Richmond, his uncle, presented him to 
Pitt, who offered him the command of an expedition which 
was preparing against Cadiz. Fitzgerald accepted it ea- 
gerly ; but the next day, the Duke of Richmond gave him 
to understand that the minister expected to have the vote, 
which he could command in the Irish Parliament, as deputy 
from the county of Kildare, when Fitzgerald rejected the 
overture with indignation, declared that he would not ac- 
cept the command which had been offered to him, and the 
uncle and nephew separated in anger. 

For two years he attended to his parliamentary duties, 
but the glorious events which had occurred in France had 
awakened all the ancient sympathies of Fitzgerald. With- 
out intrusting any one with his confidence, he went to 
Paris without the knowledge even of his mother, the Duch- 
ess of Leinster, who was ignorant of it until she receiv- 
ed a letter with this date : " Paris, Oct. 30. The first year 
of the Republic. 1 ' At the close of the letter he gave his 
mother the following address : " Citizen Edward Fitzgerald, 



IRELAND. 33 

White's Hotel, passage des Petits Peres, pres du Palais 
Royaler 

A few days afterwards, the following article appeared in 
the journals of Paris and London : — 

" Yesterday the English residents of Paris assembled at 
White's Hotel, to celebrate the victories obtained by the 
French armies over the coalition. Although the meeting 
was designed principally for the inhabitants of Great Bri- 
tain, it was attended also by citizens of other countries, 
deputies to the convention, generals, and other officers sta- 
tioned at Paris. M. Stone was in the chair. 

" Among the toasts we remarked the following : — 

" ' The armies of France ; may the example of the citi- 
zen soldiers be followed by all nations, until there are neither 
tyrants nor tyranny.' 

" Toast by citizen Sir R. Smith, and Lord Fitzgerald : 
' May the patriotic airs, Ca ira, La Carmagnole, La Marseil- 
laise, soon become the favorite music of every army, and 
may the soldiers and citizens shout them in chorus.' 

" By General Dillon : ' The Irish people ; may the govern- 
ment profit by the example of France, in order that revolu- 
tion may be prevented by reform.' 

" Sir Robert Smith and Lord Fitzgerald having renounced 
their titles, the former proposed the following toast : ■ The 
prompt abolition of all hereditary titles, of all feudal distinc- 
tions.' 

We will here quote a letter written two days after to his 
mother ; it serves to show the feelings with which he was 
inspired by the noble efforts of the French nation. 

11 Dear Mother — 
11 1 received your letter yesterday. You are right ia 
speaking of my joy at the capture of Mons, and of the suc- 
cessful issue of the battle of Jemmapes. I was at the as- 
sembly when the news of it arrived ; it was an imposing 
scene, like everything else occurring here. You who 
know the French, can understand it. I am enchanted with 



34 IRELAND. 

the dignity with which they celebrate their successes; there 
is no boasting, no arrogance. They refer all to the gran- 
deur and goodness of their cause, and seem to think of 
the good effects which this will produce in Europe, rather 
than of their personal glory. In fact, all the good feel- 
ings of the French stand out in bold relief, while, in my 
eyes at least, all defects have disappeared. The city is 
very tranquil, the theatres and public walks are crowded. 
I see no changes except in the small number of equipages, 
the simplicity of dress, &c. &c." 

A few days after the date of this letter, Fitzgerald, being 
at the opera, observed in an adjacent box a young lady of 
remarkable beauty. He soon found that her name was 
Pamela Sims, the adopted daughter of Madame de Genlis, 
then citizen Sillery. Report said, and Fitzgerald's histori- 
an, Thomas Moore, asserts positively, that she was the 
daughter of Madame de Genlis and Philippe Egalite. We 
know not if Fitzgerald was acquainted with this circum- 
stance, but, full of that enthusiasm with which the Irish are 
so easily led away, he was introduced to the citizen Sillery, 
and in a month afterwards offered his hand to Pamela. 

But the marriage was celebrated at Tournay, because 
Madame de Genlis was then conducting Madame Adelaide 
her pupil out of France. The names which appear in the 
marriage contract are as follow : — 

" To all, &c, <fec, be it known, that before me, Fer- 
dinand Joseph Dorez, a republican notary public, resident 
at Tournay in Flanders, in the presence of the citizens Lou- 
is Philippe Egalite and Sylvester Mirys, present at Tour- 
nay, and the requisite witnesses appeared, Edward Fitz- 
gerald, aged about 29 years, generally residing at Dublin 
in Ireland, born at Whitehall, London, son of James Fitz- 
gerald, Duke of Leinster, and of Lady Amelia Lennox, 
Duchess of Leinster, on one part, and Citizen Ann Caroline 
Stephanie Sims, aged about 19 years, living in Paris, known 
in France by the name of Pamela, native of Fogo> in the Isl- 



IRELAND. 35 

and of Newfoundland, daughter of William of Brixey, and 
of Mary Sims, attended by citizen Stephanie Felicite Du- 
crest-Brulart-Sillery, known in 1786 as the Countess of 
Genlis, authorized by two depositions taken before the hon- 
orable William Count of Mansfield, peer of the realm, and 
chief justice of England, both dated January 25, on the 
other part, &c." 

The following signed the original documents : Edward 
Fitzgerald, Pamela Sims, the Lieutenant-general James 
Omoran, Stephanie Felicite Ducrest-Brulart-Sillery, Adele 
Eugenie Egalite, Hermine Compton, Philippe Egalite, Pul- 
cherie Valence, Henriette Screey, Cesar Ducrest, Louis 
Philippe Egalite, Sylvester Mirys, and F. J. Dorez, notary. 

It was during his marriage fete that Lord Fitzgerald 
learned that the English ministry had erased his name from 
the list of officers in the army. This measure, which con- 
cerned others as well as himself, excited great indignation 
in the ranks of the British opposition. Fox reproached 
ministers severely for this arbitrary act, which, it was said, 
had no foundation, other than the sympathy of the officers 
for the French nation. 

At the opening of the session, Fitzgerald returned to 
Dublin, about the end of January, and it was shortly after 
resuming his seat that he used the bold language cited on 
a previous page. From that day his fortunes were attach- 
ed to those of Ireland. 

The Catholics, however, had not yet joined the United 
Irishmen ; for the government had relented somewhat tow- 
ards them, in consequence, probably, of the patriotic demon- 
strations made by the Protestant Irish. The relief bill of 
1793 granted the Catholics the right of election, and ad- 
mitted them to sit as jurymen, and to the bar. But these 
concessions were only illusory ; for in bestowing the right 
of election without the right of eligibility, it was to admit 
into the constitution the least enlightened, and to repel from 
it the most capable. In summoning them as jurors, the 



36 IRELAND. 

duties of sheriff devolved alone on Protestants ; now as the 
sheriff selects the jurors, Catholics could always be pre- 
vented from exercising their right. In admitting them to 
the bar, all access to the magistracy was sedulously closed. 
The temple of the law was opened to them, but they could 
not cross the threshold ; they might speak in behalf of their 
suffering brethren, but they could not pronounce the decis- 
ions of justice. It was too much, or too little ; it was to 
emancipate them from slavery, without giving them liberty. 
They demanded a complete emancipation : it was promised 
them. 

At this period, Pitt, who saw that he was about to lose 
power, endeavored to form a ministry by conciliation. The 
Duke of Portland, a moderate whig, offered his support, but 
stipulated expressly that emancipation should be granted to 
the Irish Catholics. A political coalition was formed on 
these principles. Lord Fitzwilliam, an avowed partisan 
of emancipation, was named lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and 
Grattan, the Diomede of the Catholic cause, was called to 
the administration. All the Irish were full of hope : dis- 
cords were healed ; the act of emancipation was drawn ; 
all was ready for legislation ; when suddenly Lord Fitzwil- 
liam was mysteriously recalled, Lord Camden was named 
as his successor, and Grattan was succeeded by Lord Cas- 
tlereagh ! Catholics and Protestants were again deceived. 

The secret of this duplicity was the news received by 
Pitt from the continent. The internal dissensions of France, 
its momentary reverses in Flanders, the embarrassments in 
its finances, had convinced the minister that the young re- 
public must soon yield ; and throughout Europe there was 
a vivid reaction against revolutionary principles, the effects 
of which were felt particularly in Ireland. The tories had 
made concessions in a moment of fear ; on resuming their 
courage, they resumed their tyranny over the whigs. 

Instructed by these examples, the Catholics delayed no 
longer. They associated in crowds with the United Irish- 



IRELAND. 37 

men ; a vast confederation was organized, with a view to 
the extinction of the English power, the independence of 
Ireland, and the formation of a republic. In every county 
the society had numerous ramifications, and three hundred 
thousand armed men were ready to respond to its call. An 
executive directory was established at Dublin, on the model 
of the Directory at Paris. Among the chiefs of the con- 
spiracy were Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Wolfe Tone, and 
Arthur O'Connor. 

Wolfe Tone was sent to France to claim the support of 
the Directory, under the express condition that the French 
should come to Ireland as allies, and should act under the 
direction of the new government, as Rochambeau had done 
in America. With this view, Tone had frequent confer- 
ences at Paris with Hoche ; and the Directory finally deter- 
mined to send from Brest a fleet of forty-five sail, with an 
army of fifteen thousand men, under the charge of this able 
general, December 15, 1796. England was saved by a vio- 
lent tempest. For six days the fleet contended against the 
elements, but in vain ; and of all this formidable armament, 
there returned to Brest only four transports, two frigates, 
and a lugger. Hoche, separated from the command of the 
fleet, was obliged to throw himself into a small boat, and 
land at Rochelle. 

But the English government had been warned. By re- 
curring to its usual means of corruption, it purchased some 
traitors, who disclosed the plans of the association, the 
names of the chiefs, and designated their place of rendez- 
vous. Arthur O'Connor, Quigley, and many others were 
arrested ; warrants were issued against Fitzgerald and those 
who were concealed. Fitzgerald, however, was not dis- 
couraged j he remained at Dublin, where he could watch the 
movements of government, and send his instructions to the 
provinces ; and escaped all pursuit by frequently changing 
his place of residence. A reward of one thousand pounds 
was offered for his arrest ; and on the 20th of May, 1798, 

4 



39 IRELAND. 

the police was informed that he was in the house of a Mr. 
Murphy. The mayor of the city, Mr. Sirr, attended by 
two police-officers, Messrs. Swan and Ryan, and followed 
by a guard of soldiers, immediately went to the house 
designated. 

Fitzgerald had dined with Murphy and a friend named 
Neilson, when the latter took his leave, and, either inten- 
tionally or unintentionally, left the street door open. Mur- 
phy attended Fitzgerald to his chamber, where he lay 
down in the bed dressed, when he heard a step on the 
stairs, and Swan entered the room, and fired on Lord Ed- 
ward ; but in his haste he missed him. He then turned to 
Murphy, and struck him violently in the face with the 
breech of the pistol, saying to a soldier who entered, " Take 
this droll one away." At this moment, Fitzgerald jumped 
from his bed, leaped upon Swan and stabbed him, and also 
Ryan, who fell, bathed in blood. Mayor Sirr, however, 
rushed into the fight, fired on Lord Edward, who was con* 
tending vigorously against, his assailants, and broke his right 
arm. Armed soldiers were then called in to conquer him, 
and his resistance did not terminate until he was ironed, 
having received a sabre cut in the neck. 

The arrest of Fitzgerald produced a vivid sensation 
among his partisans, and the government could not dissem- 
ble their joy at this important capture. But they were not 
accustomed to be generous in the moment of victory. Fitz- 
gerald was confined in a narrow prison, and was not per- 
mitted to see his relatives • even his wife was not admitted, 
although it was known that his wounds were mortal. When 
he wished to make his will, the notary was not allowed to 
communicate directly with him ; but was obliged to draw 
up the will at- the door of the prison, while the surgeon 
was the medium of carrying to him the last words of the 
dying man. These acts of cruelty towards a chief of the 
aristocracy indicated what was reserved for the people. 

On the third of June, Fitzgerald was awakened from his 



IRELAND. 39 

agony by a loud noise : it was caused by the hanging be- 
fore his window of one of his accomplices, Quigley. 

The next day, death relieved Fitzgerald of his sufferings. 
But death without condemnation deprived the minister of 
one of his victims ; and to satisfy his implacable ven- 
geance, a posthumous inquest was called on the cadaver. 
A bill of attainder was presented to the parliament against 
the memory of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, confiscating his 
goods and chattels for the benefit of the crown. The cele- 
brated advocate, Curran, appeared at the bar for the de- 
fence. " Often," said he, " have I been called by my 
professional duties to the dungeon of the captive, but 
never to the tomb of the dead. Never until this day have 
I had to meet an accusation beyond the grave ! The 
charges, which the accused might have destroyed by a few 
words, if alive, must be buried with him in eternal silence. 
By the bill which is now presented, you may conquer when 
proof is impossible, strike where crime cannot exist, con- 
fiscate the property of the widow, and rob the orphan. A 
state must descend to the lowest depths of degradation, 
when it is obliged to seek support in the violation of law, 
and the sad confession of its weakness and terror." 

The noble efforts of Curran failed : the two houses of 
Parliament passed the bill, and George III. gave it his 
royal sanction. This was not enough for the cabinet of 
St. James. The leaders of the association were dead or 
dispersed, but the association itself existed ; and in order 
to destroy its members, it was necessary to excite them to 
an insurrection, to which they did not seem disposed. The 
government then had recourse to those means of provoca- 
tion for which it was so cruelly adapted. All Ireland was 
placed in a state of siege ; a general disarming of the 
inhabitants was ordered, and under pretence of searching 
for arms, garrisons were established in the houses. Sol- 
diers were sent from England expressly to persecute the 
Irish, and obeyed the orders of their chiefs with phrensied 



40 IRELAND. 

zeal. The inhabitants who were suspected, rightfully or 
wrongfully, of having arms, were subjected to the rack ; 
their hair was torn from their head ; others were hung on 
trees, and taken down just before death ; others were 
scourged to excoriation, and their bloody wounds were 
covered with salt and pepper. In those villages where the 
peasantry were entirely unarmed, and consequently could 
not respond to the demand for guns, having none, the sol- 
diers set fire to their houses. Murder, violation, pillage, 
formed the usual service of the troops ; and the excesses 
of this inebriated soldiery became so intolerable, that the 
commander-in-chief of his Britannic Majesty's forces in 
England, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, wrote to the ministry : 
" The army under my orders has become formidable by its 
license to the whole world, except to the enemy." Sir 
Ralph Abercrombie was soon recalled, as a man on whom 
no dependance could be placed. 

A man of eminent merit, Sir Edward Crosbie, had de- 
clared in favor of a parliamentary reform ; on this account 
the military judge concluded that he was a republican, 
and consequently he was brought to the bar. Witnesses 
who could not be suspected — Protestants, devoted but im- 
partial friends of the government — appeared in crowds to 
give their depositions in favor of the accused, but their 
testimony was rejected ; they wished to force their way 
into the tribunal, where they knew that an innocent man 
was accused, who could be saved by a word from their 
mouths j but they were stopped by the bayonets of soldiers, 
who repulsed them with violence. This was not all : as 
there were no witnesses against the accused, the military 
judge sought them in the prisons ; here he promised life 
if the prisoners would testify against the accused ; threats 
and even tortures were used to obtain false testimony from 
them. The doom of the accused was thus soon sealed : 
a gross, ignorant, and brutal man, the president of the 



IRELAND. 41 

council of war, condemned him to death, and he was then 
executed. 

While these things were going on, the Irish tories em- 
ployed by the government, and others, organized into armed 
bands under the name of Orangemen, rivalling the soldiers 
in their cruelty. They attacked the houses of Catholics in 
open day, set them on fire, and stabbed the inhabitants who 
tried to escape from the flames. In the county of Armagh, 
the Orangemen swore to expel all the Catholics, and con- 
sequently issued a proclamation, in which they ordered 
the Catholics to leave the county by a certain day. Those 
who did not obey, saw their houses burnt, their property 
destroyed, and their families murdered. More than seven 
hundred Catholic families were thus expelled violently 
from the county of Armagh ; and all this took place under 
the eyes, or rather with the connivance of the magistrates. 

When Lord Moira stated all these outrages in the House 
of Lords, a minister rose to deny it, and added, " If this be 
true, the people would rise." The people did rise, and the 
government wished it. Unhappily, the insurrection oc- 
curred without concert, and in consequence of the suffer- 
ings which were caused. The rising was in detached 
places, so that the English army could exterminate the 
small troops of insurgents one after another. 

These uprisings at iirst commenced in the country which 
separates Dublin from the mountains of Wicklow. They 
then extended to Wexford, where a provisional government 
was established, under the title of the Executive Directory 
of the Irish Republic. A few partial successes attracted 
there a great many partisans. But most of them were 
armed with pikes, they had no artillery, and it was not to 
be expected that they could sustain a regular contest 
against the English army, who advanced to meet them 
with all the advantages of discipline, and a formidable 
park of artillery. They, however, were intrenched upon 
Vinegar Hill, near Wexford, and they defended themselves 

4* 



42 IRELAND. 

with energy until they were entirely surrounded. The 
prisoners were tortured, to ascertain the names of their 
chiefs ; but they could only denounce those who were al- 
ready slain or were prisoners. 

Another battle was fought near Wicklovv, and lost. This 
discouraged the Irish, and arrested the insurrection in the 
southern and eastern provinces. 

The insurgents doubtless committed some outrages, but 
they were not to be compared with those of the English 
upon them while they were quiet, before the insurrection 
commenced. Whatever may have been their excesses in 
other respects, says Augustine Thierry, the insurgents al- 
ways respected females ; but this was not done by the 
Orangemen, nor even by the officers of the English army, 
notwithstanding all their pretensions to honor and civiliza- 
tion. Those military men who reproached the rebels bit- 
terly for the murder of one prisoner, sent all their captives 
to the executioner, because they said it was the law. 
There were entire provinces in rebellion, where not a sin- 
gle Protestant was killed ; but none of the rebels who were 
captured with arms in their hands were spared ; and the 
chiefs of the United Irishmen said, u We fight with the 
halter round our necks." 

This insurrection had hardly been subdued, when another 
one broke out in the north, among the Scotch Presbyteri- 
ans. As in the preceding, there were brilliant actions and 
deeds of rare courage ; but all the efforts of the English 
troops being directed to one point, resistance was unavail- 
ing. The insurgents, however, did not wish to lay down 
their arms except under a general amnesty. It was prom- 
ised j and as soon as they were disarmed, the English vio- 
lated their promise by executing their principal leaders. 

The contest had been ended about a month, when a 
French detachment disembarked on the western coast. 
This late succor comprised only fifteen hundred men, com- 
manded by General Humber. If he had arrived a few 



IRELANP. 43 

weeks sooner, he might have aided the natives efficiently ; 
but now they came to brave a useless, and, in this war, a 
very untimely danger. The career, however, of this small 
army was brilliant, and worthy of the soldiers of Italy who 
composed it. They attacked the city Killala, in the coun- 
ty of May, and made prisoners of all the English in the 
garrison, and there displayed the green standard of the 
United Irishmen. But in this province, where all the Pro- 
testants were attached to the government, they were joined 
only by a few badly-armed Catholic peasants, and General 
Humber soon saw that he must depend on his own re- 
sources. He then marched towards the south, leaving the 
garrison at Killala, and taking with him about eleven hun- 
dred men. At Castlebar, he found General Lake intrenched 
with four thousand regulars. The French attacked him 
with spirit and routed them, taking eight hundred prisoners 
and ten pieces of artillery. 

Notwithstanding this brilliant success, but few Irish 
joined the French. But the small victorious army were 
undaunted, and proceeded towards Dublin. During this 
time, thirty thousand English regulars, who were assembled 
under the command of Lord Cornwallis, advanced against 
General Humber, and waited for him near Ballinach. Not- 
withstanding this great disproportion of forces, Humber 
accepted the contest ; and, after a short and spirited resist- 
ance, himself and corps capitulated. On seeing the small 
number of French — eight hundred and forty-four, inclu- 
ding officers, who had resisted the entire army — the Eng- 
lish were astonished, and uttered serious accusations in 
Parliament against the inefficiency of the Irish parliament, 
who had permitted Humber to pass through the country 
like a conqueror. Colonel Charost, who commanded the 
small garrison of Killala, could not hold it a long time ; but 
when the city was surrendered, the archbishop's palace, 
which had been occupied by the French, was found in the 
same state in which it had been left. Not a single article 



44 IRELAND. 

of furniture was missing, and even the silver plate of the 
prelate had been untouched. The English commanders 
admired this strict discipline, instances of which were 
sought for in vain among their soldiers. 

A month afterwards, a new and still more rash attempt 
was made by the French Directory. A small squadron, 
composed of one ship of the line and eight frigates, sailed 
from Brest to Ireland. It was met on the coast of Ulster 
by Admiral Sir John Warren, with a much larger force. 
After an heroic defence of six hours, the ship of the line 
and six frigates surrendered. Among the prisoners was 
the celebrated Wolfe Tone, the founder of the association 
of United Irishmen, and one of its most active agents. He 
was brought before a court-martial at Dublin, where he did 
not attempt to deny his projects against the English govern- 
ment. " I entered into the service of the French republic," 
said he, " with the sole view of being useful to my country. 
To contend against British tyranny, I have braved the fa- 
tigues and terrors of the field of battle ; I have met the 
dangers of the sea, covered with the triumphant fleets of 
my antagonists ; I have sacrificed my comfort, have courted 
poverty, have left my wife unprotected, and my children 
without a father. After all I have done for a sacred cause, 
death is no sacrifice. In such enterprises, everything de- 
pends on success: Washington succeeded — Kosciusko 
failed. I know my fate, but I neither ask for pardon nor 
do I complain. I admit openly all I have said, written, and 
done, and am prepared to meet the consequences. As, 
however, I occupy a high grade in the French army, I 
would request the court, if they can grant me the favor, 
that I may die the death of a soldier." After a long silence, 
interrupted by some expressions of admiration, he was told 
that his request should be submitted to the lord-lieutenant. 
Thinking, however, that there was but little prospect, he 
committed suicide in prison. 

With Wolfe Tone, terminated the insurrection of 1798. 



IRELAND. 45 

He was the prime mover of it, and was its last victim. 

A few obstinate rebels still remained in the woods and 

^mountains ; but they served as sources of amusement for 

&ie English officers, who hunted them down during the 

v ilisure from their garrison duties. 

This insurrection, although badly planned and badly exe- 
cuted, gave the English government so much alarm, that 
they resolved to take away from Ireland the last remnant 
of official nationality, the Parliament. Although the vote 
of this assembly was always purchased, yet its debates 
preserved for the country a fictitious independence, which 
many persons imagined to be real. 

Besides, the orators of the minority constantly pointed out 
the crimes of the government, gave patriotism many noble 
lessons, and reminded the Irish that they ought still to be re- 
garded as a nation. 

That odious measure of state policy, the union of Great 
Britain and Ireland, was now introduced. At this news, 
mutilated Ireland again rattled her chains, and showed her 
scars. Of thirty-two counties, twenty-one protested ener- 
getically against the abolition of their parliament. This 
parliament, the extinction of which was demanded, is again 
reanimated. The last struggles of dying nationality were 
marked by stormy discussions ; and foremost among the 
combatants stood Grattan, who never abandoned the cause 
of misfortune. One of the ministerial orators referred in 
favor of the measure to the great insurrection, when Grat- 
ton rose and exclaimed, " Is it you who revive the memory 
of that bloody epoch? If there were crimes committed, 
they were excited by you. If there were acts of heroism 
performed, they were accomplished against you. From 
1782 to 1798, the government were constantly attempting 
to destroy all that remained of our institutions, and of our 
virtues. You have introduced here a system of corruption 
unknown in the annals of any parliament. You have ad- 
ded intimidation to corruption, and to crown your work, 



/ 



46 IRELAND. 

you have introduced the torture under the vain pretext of an 
insurrection, caused by your crimes. So far as I am con- 
cerned, the events have not changed my convictions. I - 
think now as I thought then ; the treason of ministers against/! 
the liberty of the people, is much more culpable than theM 
rebellion of the people against ministers." 

At first the efforts of the Irish patriots triumphed. The 
act of union was at first rejected. It was not that the ma- 
jority was less servile than formerly ; but among the num- 
bers of this majority, were several rich proprietors who 
owned rotten boroughs, and who annually disposed of a 
certain number of representatives. To them this privilege 
was a prolific source of revenue, and they considered the bill 
as an attack upon their property. With them it was only a 
question of' money, and it consequently gave the English 
government a solemn opportunity of developing the powers 
of corruption when employed on a larger scale. It was 
estimated that every rotten borough was worth fifteen thou- 
sand pounds sterling. This sum was promised as an in- 
demnity for sacrificed privileges, and the whole indemnity 
amounted to one million two hundred and sixty thousand 
pounds sterling. 

The humblest opponent was quieted by a place, pension, 
or money ; and on the 26th of May, 1800, the project of 
union was adopted by a vote of 118 to 73. 

Thus terminated this parliament, where Irish nationality 
was extinguished — where the last mark of the independ- 
ence of a people was sacrificed. 

V. UNION AND EMANCIPATION ACTUAL STATE OF IRE- 
LAND— 1800-1841. 

If the act of union had been really an annexation of 
Ireland to England, the political approximation of the two 
people, with the same advantages and the same duties, the 
same privileges and the same expenses, one would natu- 



IRELAND. 47 

rally be astonished at witnessing the existence of the same 
hatred as before, and at the continuation of wretchedness. 
One would be almost tempted to accuse the Irish of being 
unable to forget their resentment and their long suffering. 
But, as we have already said, the act of union was only a 
solemn lie. Nothing was changed except that parliament 
had been abolished. The evil still existed, and the slight 
image of independence which might have alleviated it was 
effaced. Ireland was not told, You shall suffer no longer, 
but, You shall suffer in silence. Its tortures were not re- 
lieved, but the cry of the victim seemed too loud, and the 
gag was applied. Article 8 of the act of union states : 
All laws and all courts of justice shall exist as they are 
now. This means, the same system of oppression shall be 
continued ; the Catholics shall be subject to the same re- 
strictions, the same favors shall be granted to the Protest- 
ants; the laborer shall be subject to the same exactions. 

In this brief statement of the wretchedness of Ireland, 
we have referred only to political facts ; we have not de- 
scribed their general oppression, which weighs equally on 
the poor as well as the rich. But if we glance at social 
life, if we inquire into domestic wretchedness, if we look 
into the domestic circles, and ask what the government has 
given it, in exchange for its independence, a reply is unne- 
cessary, the answer is addressed to our eyes. 

" Imagine," says Beaumont, " four walls of dried mud, 
which a shower of rain easily restores to its primitive state \ 
a little thach serves for a roof, and a hole in this roof for 
a chimney, and most frequently the. door of the cabin forms 
the only place through which the smoke escapes ; one 
room contains the father, mother, and children ; there is no 
furniture in this wretched place, and one bed, generally of 
straw, serves for the whole family. 

" Within, we find five or six half naked children, crouched 
near a miserable fire, the ashes of which covers a few po- 
tatoes, the only nourishment of the whole family ; in the 



48 IRELAND. 

midst of all is a hog, the only inhabitant of the place who 
thrives, because he lives in filth. The presence of the 
hog in the cabin, however, is a sign of some luxury, and 
extreme is the poverty in the cabin where he is not found." 

This picture, however, is not that of the poor man's resi- 
dence, but of that of the farmer and agricultural laborer. 

As to the mass of poor people, those who live one day 
and even two without nourishment, we cannot speak of 
them, because language has no words to express their mis- 
fortunes. We do not here allude to a few sad exceptions, 
but to a terrible whole. It follows from parliamentary in- 
vestigations, that in Ireland three millions of individuals 
are annually exposed to die by starvation. Besides these 
three millions, there are as many more who just escape 
starvation, and are not counted. 

In 1832, Bishop Doyle was asked, "what was the state 
of population in the west V " Just as it always has been," 
said he j " they are starving, as usual." And yet the coun- 
try is rich and fertile, the inhabitants are good laborers ; 
but its riches and fertility are profitable to a few large pro- 
prietors, and the labor of the poor farmers puts millions of 
revenue into the pockets of some lords who have never 
resided in the country. Great opulence is seen by the side 
of excessive indigence. 

The judges, who are all English, receive a salary of 
JS5000 ; to the bishops, who are all Protestants, is paid the 
sum of £20,000 j and it is this Catholic population who 
live in hovels, which supports an unfriendly church, the 
revenue of which amounts to the enormous sum of 
£1,000,000. No other part of the globe presents an in- 
stance of such a state of prodigality, with so much misery. 
In no other country have the people been starved in order 
to govern them, and never has despotism subjected the van- 
quished to such a terrible fate. Although, unhappily, in every 
country there are some classes who are poor, yet it was re- 
served for the infernal genius of the English government 



IRELAND. 49 

to create a nation of beggars in the bosom of a rich and fer- 
tile country. 

It is not surprising, then, that notwithstanding its recent 
political conquests, Ireland still pursues England with its 
threats and curses. It has doubtless obtained the right to 
send a Catholic to parliament ; Ireland will doubtless go 
to the hustings, and give its vote in favor of the good cause ; 
but after accomplishing this act of sovereignty which costs 
one day of labor, the same images of distress and despair 
reappear. The national candidate who is sent to parliament 
may cause a change in the cabinet of St. James, may trans- 
fer the ministerial honors from the head of a tory to the 
brow of a whig, but what can he do for the millions of his 
starving electors ? How can he send a ray of hope into 
that cabin where bread and salt are luxuries of life ? 

Catholic emancipation was a great triumph of justice ; it 
satisfied a moral want, but has not relieved a physical suf- 
fering ; and yet the government imagined it had made a 
great concession. It wished to purchase repose, and 
thought it had paid dearly for it ; and yet, notwithstanding 
these efforts of generosity, rest has not come. Ireland al- 
ways threatens, for it is always wretched. Its social or- 
ganization demands to be thoroughly modified, and is not 
content with those attempts at reform, which serve only to 
render its misfortunes more perceptible. It is useless to 
give the Irish a right to speak, if the means of living are 
refused to them. 

To give a brief, faithful, but imperfect picture of the mis- 
fortunes of the Irish, we will here quote the testimony of 
De Beaumont, who inquired into the sufferings of the peas- 
antry, while sitting with them upon the moist earth of their 
cabins. 

" I have seen," says he, " the Indian in the forests, the 
negro in his chains, and I thought I had witnessed the ex- 
treme of misery ; but I was then ignorant of the fate of 
Ireland. Like the Indian, the Irishman is poor and naked, 

5 



50 IRELAND. 

but he lives in the centre of a population who strive for 
luxury, honor, and wealth. Like the Indian, he is desti- 
tute of those comforts of life procured by human industry 
and commerce, but he sees a part of his equals daily en- 
joying those luxuries to which he cannot aspire. In the 
midst of the greatest distress, the Indian preserves a de- 
gree of independence, which has its charms and its digni- 
ty. Although indigent and hungry, he is yet free in the 
desert, and the feeling that he has this liberty, sweetens 
his sufferings. The Irishman experiences the same pri- 
vations, but has not the same liberty ; he is subjected to 
rules and privations of every kind ; he dies of famine, and 
he has laws ; a sad condition, which combines the vices 
of civilization with those of savage nations. The Irishman 
who is about to break his bonds, and who looks forward 
with confidence to the future, has less cause of complaint 
than the Indian or the slave ; and now Ireland has neither 
the liberty of the savage, nor the bread of slavery." 

Need we add anything further? Are not these eloquent 
remarks sufficient to brand with eternal infamy a govern- 
ment which has invoked famine as an auxiliary to its tyr- 
anny, and which for six ages has condemned a whole peo- 
ple to the punishment of Ugolino ?* 

* For further details in regard to the present condition and actual suffer- 
ing in Ireland, see " The Condition and Fate of England, by C. E. Lester. 
New York, J. & H. G. Langley." 



AMERICAN WAR. 51 



CHAPTER II. 
WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

I. ALLIES OF THE ENGLISH— SAVAGES, HESSIANS, AND 

NEGROES. 

That fatal disease which punishes kings by blindness 
before destroying them, never led to fatal measures more 
rapidly than did the British cabinet on learning the bold 
protest of the North Americans against the tyranny of the 
mother country. Their complaints had been received with 
threats, and their insurrection was treated with contempt. 
One would think, from the remarks of the officers, that a 
few soldiers were sufficient to subdue this colony of mer- 
chants. 

The Secretary of State, Lord Weymouth, remarked, 
with an air of mockery, in the House of Lords : " Fear 
nothing from our neighbors, my Lords ; they only fit out arma- 
ments to exercise their sailors." The Solicitor General, in 
the House of Commons, remarked : " The Americans can- 
not become free except by their defeat." The ministerial 
journals repeated these plain remarks, and Lord Chatham 
responded in a remarkable speech in the House of Lords. 
11 Alas ! that we should seem corrupted by our strength 
and riches, that our statesmen should decry the Americans, 
and say they deserve our contempt. They state that they 
are poor, that they eat little, that they are thin, are cowards, 
and that they have no clothing but a blanket. My Lords, 
these cowards, these sick people, will defeat us." 

Hostilities, however, were scarcely commenced when 
the English ministry could appreciate the merit of its 
boast. All of its operations resembled those of its 



52 AMERICAN WAR. 

General Burgoyne, who wrote from his camp at Putnam 
Creek : — "It is on the field of battle that the ministers of 
justice and revenge will await these obstinate rebels : let 
them come there. 

" Desolation, famine, and the horrors with which these 
two plagues are attended, will render their return impracti- 
cable." 

Some days after this emphatic bulletin he was captured, 
with his entire army, and thirty-seven pieces of artillery, 
16th Oct. 1777. 

Hitherto the English government had uttered ridiculous 
threats, but the means which it adopted were infamous. 
The English sought for allies in the wigwam of the 
savage, and excited the ferocity of the Indians by offering 
a reward for every American scalp. A regular trade in 
human heads was commenced between the Indians and the 
English generals. The following document will show 
how eagerly this abominable traffic was conducted. A 
letter from Capt. Crawford to Col. Haldiman, Governor of 
Canada, accompanying eight packs of scalps. 

" May it please your Excellency, at the request of the 
Seneca Chiefs I send, herewith, to your Excellency, under 
the care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, cured and 
dried, hooped and painted, with all the Indian triumphal 
marks, of which the following is invoice and explanation. 

" 1. Containing 43 scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in 
different skirmishes ; these are stretched on black hoops, 4 
inches in diameter ; the inside of the skin painted red, with 
a small black spot to note their being killed with bullets. 
Also 62 of farmers, killed in their houses, the hoops red ; 
the skin painted brown and marked with a hoe ; a black 
circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the 
night, and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their 
being killed with that weapon. 

11 2. Containing 98 of farmers killed in their houses : 
hoops red ; figure of a hoe to mark their profession ; great 



AMERICAN WAR. 53 

white circle and sun, to show they were surprised in the 
day time ; a little red foot, to show they stood upon their 
defence, and died fighting for their lives and families. 

" 3. Containing 97 of farmers ; hoops green, to show 
that they were killed in their fields ; a large white circle 
with a little round mark in it for the sun, to show that it 
was in the day time ; black bullet mark on some — hatchet 
on others. 

"4. Containing 102 of farmers, mixed, of the several 
marks above, only 18 marked with a little yellow flame, 
to denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being 
scalped, their nails pulled out by the roots, and other tor- 
ments ; one of these latter supposed to be of a rebel clergy- 
man, his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most 
of the farmers appear by the hair to have been young or 
middle aged men ; there being but 67 very gray heads 
among them all ; which makes the service more essential. 

" 5. Containing 88 scalps of women ; hair long, braided 
in the Indian fashion, to show they were mothers ; hoops 
blue ; skin, yellow ground with little red tadpoles, to repre- 
sent, by way of triumph, the tears of grief occasioned to 
their relations; a black scalping knife or hatchet at the 
bottom, to mark their being killed with those instruments ; 
17 others hair very gray, black hoops ; plain brown color, 
no mark but the short club or casse-U>te, to show they were 
knocked down dead, or had their brains beat out. 

"6. Containing 193 boys' scalps of various ages ; small 
green hoops ; whitish ground on the skin, with red tears 
in the middle, and black bullet marks ; knife, hatchet, or 
club, as their deaths happened. 

" 7. 211 girls scalped, big and little ; small yellow hoops, 
white ground ; tears, hatchet, club, scalping knife, &c. 

" 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above 
mentioned to the number of 122, with a box of birch bark, 
containing 29 little infants' scalps of various sizes — small 
white hoops with white ground. 

5* 



54 AMERICAN WAR. 

" With these packs the chiefs send to your excellency 
the following speech, delivered by Coneiogatchie in coun- 
cil, and interpreted by the elder More, the trader, and taken 
down by me in writing. 

II 'Father, we send you herewith many scalps, that you 
may see we are not idle friends. A blue belt. 

" ' Father, we wish you to send these scalps over the water 
to the great king, that he may regard them and be refresh- 
ed, and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his 
enemies, and be convinced that his presents have not been 
made to ungrateful people. 

" ' A blue and white belt with red tassels.' " 

The following letter shows that the Englishmen attempt- 
ed to speculate in their commercial operations with the In- 
dians. 

" Father, we have only to say further that your traders 
exact more than ever for their goods, and our hunting is 
lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins to give 
for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We 
are poor, and you have plenty of everything. We know 
you will send us powder and guns, and knives and hatch- 
ets ; but we also want shirts and blankets ' ? 

" A little white belt."' 

II I do not doubt but that your excellency will think it 
proper to give some further encouragement to those honest 
people. The high prices they complain of are the neces- 
sary effects of the war. Whatever presents may be sent 
for them through my hands shall be distributed with pru- 
dence and fidelity. 

" I have the honor of being your Excellency's 

most obedient and most humble servant, 

" James Crawford." 
These packs and letters were found among the baggage 
of the royal army after the defeat of General Burgoyne. 
The Americans preserved these sad remains of their breth- 
ren as a mark of the ferocity of their enemies.* 
* The annaJs of the war of the American revolution arc full of examples 



AMERICAN WAR. 55 

Other bargains of a similar debased character were made 
in Europe ; the British cabinet excited the cupidity of the 
small electoral princes of Germany, and purchased soldiers 
to send to America like so much merchandise. As the 
weak states of these princes could not supply the demand 
for men, recruiting parties were sent to Hamburgh and the 
other Hanseatic cities, whose independence permitted 
this kind of commerce. The constant confusion of these 
human bazars disturbed the repose of the citizens. All 
the vagabonds of Germany came to be enlisted, and as each 
of the small princes had his agent to buy in order to sell 
again, the trade assumed a great degree of activity. Some- 
times ten men were engaged in bargaining for one, and 
often disputed with sword in hand, throwing steel in the 
scale when gold failed them. The Englishman waited 
quietly for his cargoes of soldiers, which were embarked at 
Ochsenfurt or Coblentz, after verifying their number and 
quality. It was truly a trade in white men. 

" This nation," said a German, speaking of England, 
" was made to disturb the repose of other nations. She has 
no wood, and wishes vessels ; she has no men, and wants a 
large army ; she inhabits only an angle of the earth, and 
wishes to govern the whole world. Powerful without real 
force, she will neither keep her prosperity nor her power 
long; even now she is ruining herself and those around 
ner." 

England paid dearly for all the men she purchased of 
these electors. Besides the bounty pay, twenty pounds 
sterling were allowed for every soldier killed in America, 

where the native ferocity of the savage was stimulated by his British allies. 
The murder of Jane McCrea, the massacre of Wyoming, the cruelties of 
Barry St. Leger, and many other instances which might be adduced, testi- 
fy amply to the blood-thirsty spirit which marked the course of England 
in this revolutionary struggle. The English themselves were not far be- 
hind the savages in deeds of horrible atrocity. " The cruelties," says Gen- 
eral Gates, in a letter to Burgoyne, " which mark the retreat of your army, 
in burning the gentlemen's and farmers' houses, as it passed along, are al 
most among civilized nations without precedent. '' 



56 AMERICAN WAR. 

or who did not return from there. Such at least was the 
agreement made with the Landgrave of Hesse Casscl. 

The following is a curious document published on this 
subject in the papers of the day. 

Copy of a letter from the Count of Schaumburg (alias, the 
Prince of Hesse Cassel), dated Rome, February 18, 1777, to 
Baron HohendorfT, commanding the Hessians in America. 

" Baron Hohendorff — 

" I received at Rome, on my return from Naples, your 
letter of the twenty-seventh of December last. I learned 
with inexpressible pleasure the courage displayed by my 
troops at Trenton, and you cannot imagine my joy on read- 
ing that of nineteen hundred and fifty Hessians who were 
engaged in the battle, only three hundred escaped. There 
were then just sixteen hundred and fifty slain, and I cannot 
sufficiently commend your prudence in sending a correct 
list of the slain to my agent in London. This precaution 
was more necessary, because the list sent to the English 
minister stated that only fourteen hundred and fifty-five 
were killed. 

" In this way I should lose one hundred and sixty thousand 
and fifty florins. According to the account of the lord of the 
treasury, there would come to me only four hundred and 
eighty-three thousand four hundred and fifty florins, instead 
of six hundred and forty-three thousand live hundred florins, 
which I have a right to demand according to our agreement. 

" You will understand how seriously my finances will 
be effected by an error in the calculation, and you will 
therefore take the utmost pains to prove that your list is 
correct and his is wrong. The British court objects that 
there were a hundred wounded, for whom they ought not 
to pay the price of dead men ; but I hope that you remem- 
ber the advice I gave you on your departure from Cassel. 
and that you have not attempted to restore to life those who 
could be saved only by depriving them of a leg or an arm. 
It would be a fatal present to them, and I am sure that they 



AMERICAN WAR, 57 

would prefer to die with glory, rather than to live mutilated 
and not in a condition to serve me. I do not wish them to 
be sacrificed ; you must be humane, my dear baron, but you 
can hint to the surgeons, that a maimed man is a disgrace 
to their skill, and that it is a deed of charity to permit a 
warrior to die when he is no longer in a condition to right. 
Farther, I am about to send you numerous recruits ; do not 
spare them ; remember that glory excels all things. Glory 
is true riches. You must think then only of honor and re- 
putation, but this reputation must be gained amid danger. 
Remember that of three hundred Lacedaemonians who de- 
fended the defile of ThermopyhT, not one returned. I 
should be happy if I could say the same of my brave Hes- 
sians. It is true that the brave Leonidas perished at their 
head, but the present state of manners will not permit a 
prince of the empire to fight in America in a cause which 
does not concern him, and besides, who would receive the 
three hundred florins for every man killed if I did not re- 
main in Europe 1 And farther, I must attend to the depar- 
ture of the recruits. You have done wisely in sending me 
Dr. Aumerus, who is so skilful in curing the dysentery. 
One must be very careful in relieving a man from this com- 
plaint ; it makes bad soldiers, and a coward does more 
harm in an army than ten brave men can do good. Tell 
Major Maudorff that I am very much dissatisfied witTi his 
conduct because he saved the three hundred men who es- 
caped from Trenton. During the whole of the campaign 
there have not been ten of his men killed. 

" Finally, be careful to avoid any decisive action ; for it 
is against my interests that this war should terminate. I 
am about making arrangements at Naples for the large 
Italian opera." 

The enlistments became so outrageous, that the minister of 
France, M. de Vibraye, made active representations to sev- 
eral of the electoral princes, and stated that if their shame- 
ful enlistments of men continued, his court would regard it 



58 AMERICAN WAR. 

as an act of hostility, and would suspend the subsidies 
received by these princes from France. England offered 
in vain to indemnify them. This incident drove off the 
British emissaries ; but we saw at Ochsenfurt one of these 
princes, irritated with his own troops, who refused to enter 
the boats, place himself at the head of his disarmed soldiers, 
and conduct his troops himself to Dordrecht. These odious 
practices of the English government were also condemned 
with indignation by Lord Chatham. " Behold," said he, 
" the allies of England : the butchers of Lower Saxony, — 
the Mohawks, the most cruel of men ; brigands who re- 
spect neither age nor sex, and who delight in the blood of 
disarmed weakness. Alas ! by mingling the tomahawk 
with the sword, the knife with the gun, we have stained 
our arms with a blot which all the waters of ocean cannot 
efface." 

The British found other auxiliaries, no less formidable, 
in the black slaves who were liberated in all the countries 
through which the British armies passed. These unfortu- 
nate persons, as soon as liberated, were excited to burn and 
devastate dwellings, and were incited to show their grati- 
tude to their liberators by deeds of cruelty towards their 
former masters. But so soon as the work of destruction 
was performed, they were embarked, and by a double act 
of treachery and a double act of theft, they were sold in 
the West Indies. 

More than four thousand were taken from Georgia during 
the expedition of General Provost in that province. When 
the army retired, many were left behind, for want of boats 
to carry them away. These unhappy persons, who had 
been taught by the British to expect cruel treatment and 
even certain death if they returned to their masters, be- 
sought the English, with tears in their eyes, not to leave 
them. Many of them followed the army by swimming, and 
clung to the sides of the boats. Their hands were cut off. 
Those who were saved were assembled and abandoned in 



AMERICAN WAR. 59 

the isle of Oter, where they suffered dreadfully from hunger 
and disease. Many hundreds perished there, and their 
bodies were devoured by wild beasts, often even before life 
was extinct.* 



II. RAVAGES AND CRUELTIES NEW YORK PRISONS — OLD 

COLON JULIA SMITH. 

To narrate all the cruel excesses of the English generals 
in all the American provinces, would occupy too much 
space. The history of their campaigns is only a monoto- 
nous recital of murders and burnings. Europe saw with 
indignation an alliance with savage tribes, who were not 
acquainted with the laws of war, and would not respect 
them. The English generals knew those laws, and imi- 
tated the savage. Not only was the soldier shot who was 
taken with arms in his hands, but the laborer was shot 
down in his cottage, and the farmer by his fireside. Even 
women and children were not spared. x\nd all those traits 
of ferocity belonged not simply to soldiers, who found their 
excuse in the defects of their eduoation : their superior 
officers set the example. Colonels Tarleton, Ferguson, 
and Brown, gained a reputation for cruelty and perfidy 
which has remained proverbial. Every contract which 
was broken was called in America a Convention of Tarle 
ton. This chief granted a capitulation, and when the 
American soldiery laid down their arms, they were muti- 
lated ; and for this deed of cold-blooded and perfidious cru- 
elty, he received the public thanks of his general. 

♦ England's partiality tor stealing Africans for the West Indies still 
continues in 1S42. 

Within the last six months, a slave factory on the coast of Africa was 
broken up, and the slaves carried to Monrovia. The Governor immedi 
ately aelected eighty of the most manly of them, and without any con 
sultation with the agent of liberated Africans, and without asking their 
consent, within three hours after landing, they were dressed in the uniform 
of the West Indian regiments, and held in readiness to be shipped to that 
sickly climnte whenever opportunity should offer. 



60 AMERICAN WAR. 

Ferguson ordered the inhabitants to be shot in the pre- 
sence of their wives, and when the latter implored his pity, 
they were threatened with the same fate. One day, when 
he had assembled a great many to be executed, he was sur- 
prised by the troops of the American General Sumpter, 
who killed him, with all his attendants. 

Colonel Brown was captured in Fort Cornwallis, where 
he was in command, and he was escorted to Savannah. 
His road led through countries where he had recently burnt 
the houses and hung the inhabitants. On arriving at Silver 
Bluff, a female passed quickly through the ranks of the 
escort and faced him. " Colonel Brown," said she, " re- 
member the day when I came into your camp, and begged 
on my knees for the life of my son ! You were deaf to 
my entreaties, and the young man, hardly beyond the age 
of boyhood, was hung in the presence of his mother, and 
I saw the savages under your command take off his bloody 
scalp. Now you are a prisoner to my countrymen, and I 
suspend for a time my revenge ; but as soon as you regain 
your liberty, I shall take up arms with my feeble hands, 
and shall go wherever you are, to demand satisfaction for 
the murder of my son." 

These bitter words were long remembered by Colonel 
Brown ; but this was his only punishment. The English 
were not so indulgent. General Mercer was captured at 
Princeton, January 3d, 1777, after a desperate contest, in 
which he was severely wounded. He was laid down in 
the English tents, when the soldiers entered, pierced him 
with their bayonets, and, after his death, disfigured him. 
A few hours after, the Americans removed his body to 
Philadelphia, where his horribly mutilated body was ex- 
posed to the eyes of an indignant people. 

These traits of ferocity were numerous wherever the 
English army was successful. But they frequently as- 
sumed a more odious character, taking on the forms of law, 
which were an insult to justice. Colonel Hayne was taken 



AMERICAN WAR. 61 

prisoner in South Carolina, and was imprisoned in the 
Charleston jail. He had not been there long before he 
received, on the 26th of July, two letters from Major 
Frazer, the commandant of the city. The first stated that 
he would be arraigned the next day before a council of war ; 
the second was as follows : — 

" You will not be summoned before a council of war, but 
only a court of inquiry, composed of four general officers 
and five captains. They will assemble at the Provincial 
Hotel, at ten o'clock, to determine how you should be 
regarded." 

This tribunal, which had no legal character, assembled 
the next day, and the colonel appeared. Neither the mem- 
bers composing the court, nor the witnesses who were 
called, took the usual oath. The prisoner, satisfied that 
this court of inquiry had no right to pronounce a formal and 
decisive judgment, produced no witnesses, had no lawyer, 
and his explanations were followed by no examinations and 
no pleadings. The accusers were as mute as the defence. 
And yet, on Sunday, the 29th, Major Frazer signified that 
in accordance with the result of the court of inquiry, Lord 
Rawdon and Colonel Balfour had decided that he should 
be shot on Tuesday morning, at six o'clock ; and the sen- 
tence was executed. 

This abominable legal farce, terminated by assassination, 
excited general indignation ; and even England was aroused. 
The Duke of Richmond demanded revenge of Parliament, 
beseeching them not to pass over in silence so foul an act : 
" As yet, we do not know whether it is an individual or a 
national crime. Youy decision is necessary to a determi- 
nation. If a rigid inquiry does not prove that wretched 
individuals are the only ones to blame, but that we must 
blush for their crimes, the whole earth will then exclaim— 
1 It is the English nation which has committed the murder ;' 
and the whole world will be right." 

Parliament took the responsibility of the act, and passed 
6 



62 AMERICAN WAR. 

to the order of the day. And in fact there was no need 
of this public avowal to prove that the government were 
accomplices in these acts of barbarity. If the executioners 
were beyond the waters, the handle of the sword was at 
St. James ! After the end of the war, one of the most 
furious and cruel partisans was reproached with the crimes 
he had committed. " Read my orders !" said he ; and his 
orders were found to be more cruel than his conduct. 

When we wish to judge a government, we have only to 
inquire into the annals of its prisons. The tenants of the 
English prisons told some horrid details. 

When New York fell into the power of the English, this 
city became the seat of the British government, the resi- 
dence of their generals, and consequently the centre of 
persecution. The prisons of the city were filled : the most 
peaceable citizens were cast into them without examination. 
It was only necessary to denounce a man to Sir Henry 
Clinton, as a secret partisan of the American cause, and 
these denunciations were not rare ; for not only were the 
informers richly paid, but highly regarded : their political 
importance was in proportion to their infamy. 

Among the most dangerous and influential was James 
Rivington, printer to the king, and editor of a paper. His 
journal was a table of proscription : whoever was mentioned 
there as suspicious, saw his house a few hours after at- 
tacked by soldiers and pillaged ; those who resisted were 
massacred, and those who submitted were led to prison. 
As the regular troops were not numerous enough to attend 
to these frequent executions, bands of volunteers were or- 
ganized, composed of irresponsible individuals, whose thefts 
and robberies were thus legally sanctioned. Parties of 
adventurers and malefactors wandered about the country, 
robbing and burning in the name of the king, and returned 
with their bloody spoils, and bringing to the general some 
mutilated prisoners, after parading them through the public 
streets. Every nighc was marked by conflagrations, every 



AMERICAN- WAR. 63 

day by murders. At the head of these bands of assassins 
was one named Cardonnel, remarkable for his ferocity and 
bold recklessness. He directed all the night excursions. 

Another villain was named Cunningham, jailer of the prin- 
cipal prison. " This man," says an eye-witness, " tortured 
his numerous victims with savage ferocity. Not a day 
passed without some terrible flagellations, the blows of 
which were heard as far as the groans of the victims." 
These were the men in power in New York, under the 
auspices of Sir Henry Clinton. 

But in these prisons were seen noble scenes of courage 
and devotion. We will mention two instances : — 

I.— The Old Colon. 

A party of English arrived, at the break of day, in a 
small district of New Jersey. The soldiers, after firing 
the habitation of an old Dutchman, who possessed consid- 
erable wealth, concealed themselves behind the trees, 
uttering loud cries. 

Colon and his two sons were awakened by the noise, 
and leaving their beds hastily, ran to the door in their night 
clothes. They were fired at : the. two children were killed, 
and their blood stained the clothes of the old man, but 
he was not wounded. He was carried to New York, 
where he was imprisoned, but continued extremely de- 
jected. His eyes were constantly on the ground 5 he re- 
mained silent, and every thought seemed obliterated, — not 
excepting even the recollections of his grief. 

One day, Cunningham said : "The general, taking your 
age into consideration, permits you to return to your kin- 
dred, on condition that you swear not to take arms against 
the subjects of the king, and to live peaceably." 

The old man, at these words, roused up as from a long 
sleep, drew himself up to his full height, and replied in a 
thundering voice : — 

" If you and your general have lost your memory, -say to 



64 AMERICAN WAR. 

him, that I have forgotten nothing. If he proposes this 
dishonor on account of my age, tell him that my desire of 
vengeance has made me young again. What ! promise 
not to punish the assassin of my children! It would be to 
insult God, who has made me a man and father !" 

He ran to his chest and opened it. " There," said he, 
" is my shirt, stained with their blood : carry this to your 
general ; it shall be my answer." 

Cunningham, astounded with these remarks, remained 
motionless. " You propose to me to live peaceably," con- 
tinued the prisoner. " As soon as I am free, I shall go to 
embrace my old wife, and then I shall march to vengeance 
— too happy to die, if, in falling, I kill an Englishman !" 

" Don't you know," said Cunningham, in his fury, " don't 
you know that I have the keys of the dungeons, which arc 
eight feet under ground ?" 

" Dig your dungeons a hundred feet under ground if you 
will," said the old man : " I swear by this bloody ground 
that their depths will not change my resolution." 

" The cowards," said he, turning with a tender air 
towards his fellow-captives, " the cowards who captured 
me," said he, " kept me a quarter of an hour that I might wit- 
ness the burning of my house ; they imagined thus to add 
to my troubles, but they were deceived. My cup of grief 
was running over ; — I had lost my two children !" And 
deep sighs escaped from the bosom of the old man, whose 
tears for so long a time had been dried up. 

Cunningham withdrew without a word. Perhaps pity had 
moved his heart. Clinton, more insensible than the exe- 
cutioner of his base deeds, kept his noble captive in chains. 

2. — Julia Smith. 

Colonel Smith was an old officer, who lived with his 
wife and daughter in a very retired manner, in the country, 
near New York. His age and infirmities had unfitted him 
for taking part in the dissensions of the country ; and what- 



AMERICAN WAR. 65 

ever may have been his secret wishes, his residence had 
been protected by this tacit neutrality. General Clinton 
even had lived some time in his house, and promised him 
his support if he was disturbed. 

One day, five men came to his house with all the marks 
of misery and deep affliction. " We are," said they, " your 
countrymen, born in Connecticut, where we wish to return 
and live in peace. We have with us four of our compan- 
ions, who are wounded : they are but a short distance 
hence ; in the name of God and humanity, give us a few 
rags to dress their w T ounds, and something to eat. We know 
that at heart you are a good American/' 

" It is neither as English nor Americans," said Smith, 
11 that you have a right to my assistance ; but as men, you 
have need of my succor." He went into the liouse, and 
soon returned with provisions and linen. The unknown 
persons thanked him for his generosity, and left him with 
every demonstration of lively gratitude. 

The next day, the same number of men came to Smith, 
but they were in uniform. " You do not remember us ?" 
said one of them. 

" Yes ; you are the persons I supplied yesterday with 
bread and meat." 

" Bread and meat, you scoundrel ! you would have given 
your blood, you villain, if we had asked it, for you consid- 
ered yourself assisting the Connecticut rebels. You have 
knowingly violated the law which forbids any aid being 
given to the enemies of the king. Come and expiate your 
crime in the prisons of New York." 

They then entered his house and sacked it, opening all 
the bureaus and closets, and taking all the silver they con- 
tained. W r hile this was doing, the colonel's daughter, Julia 
Smith, aged eighteen, ran into her chamber to get thirty 
guineas which were concealed there, to give to her father. 
One of the ruffians who had followed her, seized her arm 
when she took the gold, and threatening her with a sword, 
6* 



CO AMERICAN WAR. 

demanded her purse. " I would have given it to you yes- 
terday," replied she, proudly, " if you had asked for it in 
the name of misfortune ; but now it would only serve to 
repay your infamous treason." Without replying, the sol- 
dier grasped her hands ; but, unable to overcome her re- 
sistance, cut her wrist with his sabre. The young girl 
seemed to derive new strength from seeing her blood, dis- 
engaged herself from the soldier,. approached the window, 
and threw the purse to a negress, who was observing this 
scene in mute terror. Her father now entered, with the 
other attendants : " See, father," said Julia, " how this man 
has treated me ; but my courage is not lost with my blood." 

The soldiers now bound Colonel Smith, and carried him 
to a coach. Julia took an affectionate farewell of her old 
father. " Courage," said she ; " I will see you soon." 
She kept her word. A Montauk Indian, who lived near 
her, dressed her wound, and five days after her father's 
capture, she entered his prison. This sad favor was not ob- 
tained without effort ; at first, she was coldly repulsed by 
the English generals, but she finally triumphed by hei fer- 
vent entreaties and the mildness of her manner. Her father 
remained three months in prison. She came daily to en- 
liven the prison by her youth and sweet expression of face. 
Those who saw her, beautiful and gay, with her arm in a 
sling, a testimonial of noble courage, envied her old father, 
and almost congratulated him in his misfortune. 

Every hour that Julia did not spend in prison, was 
devoted to urgent entreaties to obtain her father's lib- 
erty. Finally, after three months of effort, she obtained 
his release, on condition that no action should be taken in 
regard to the soldiers who had captured him, and that he 
should give security in the sum of five hundred guineas 
that he would not assist persons from Connecticut. Even 
in its mercy, the authority became an accomplice of this 
infamous imposture. 

These details were furnished us by M. Crevecoeur, who 



AMERICAN WAR. 67 

was himself imprisoned in New York, in flagrant violation 
of every law of honor. Obliged by business to take passage 
for Europe, he had obtained a passport from the chiefs of 
both armies to pass through them in safety. At New York, 
he proposed embarking on board of an English vessel, when 
the commandant of the city sent for him. As soon as M. 
Crevecoeur entered the apartment of the general — " I am 
ordered by the commander-in-chief, Sir Henry Clinton," 
said the major general, " to send you to prison." — ,c But 
don't you know, then," said M. Crevecoeur, " that I did 
not enter the British lines without the consent of Sir Henry 
Clinton ? Will he forfeit his word of honor ?" — " I know 
not, but I must obey. Captain Arthur, conduct this man to 
prison." 

Thus M. Crevecoeur became the witness and historian 
of the cruelties we have narrated, for no other crime than 
that of confiding in the honor of an Englishman. 

CONCLUSION. 

We do not intend in this work to give in detail a history 
of all the events which attended or followed the outrages 
we have narrated. Others have already written a history 
of that glorious striiQirlp, which brought a new nation into 
existence, and gave the signal for the disfranchisement of 
the people of the new world. W^e might, however, com- 
pare the shameful conduct of the British cabinet, with the 
generous loyalty of the Americans, and contrast the base 
crimes of the former with the noble virtues of the latter 
But such grave accusations do not require the artifices of 
style or historic antitheses. We have already stated the 
means employed by a powerful government against a young 
people, the cruelties perpetrated by regular armies upon 
their citizen antagonists, their horrible alliances with sava- 
ges, mercenaries, and slaves, the burning of houses, the 
destruction of property, the war upon women and children. 



68 AMERICAN" WAR. 

the violation of the rights of war, and also the contempt of 
the laws of humanity ; and yet, to the shame of these ini- 
quities, must be added that of defeat, and this time at least, 
England did not profit by crime. 

It follows from the parliamentary debates that from 1775 
to 1782, the enormous sum of £ 100,000,000 was spent in 
this disastrous war. " I would ask," said an opposition 
member, " what has been done with this one hundred mil- 
lions sterling ? I know we have lost a hundred thousand 
men, and two thirds of the most valuable part of the British 
empire." The ministers retired from the cries of public 
indignation, and peace became necessary. 

It was remembered that George III. had stated several 
times that he had rather retire to Hanover with his family, 
than acknowledge the independence of the colonies. In 
open parliament, however, he was obliged to disavow his 
haughty language, and sanction the resistance which his 
pride had caused. 

But everything in this war proved disgraceful to England, 
its alliances as well as its enmities. Those American 
tories who had sacrificed their country to their old monar- 
chical recollections, and had fought in the ranks of the En- 
glish army, were basely abandoned by the government 
which they had supported. One can easily understand the 
severity of the conquerors against the partisans of England, 
against those defenders of the throne, who had retarded 
their triumphs ; but we seek in vain an apology for the 
ministry, who, in a treaty where so many concessions were 
made, did not introduce an article in favor of those inhabi- 
tants who had proclaimed themselves for so long a time the 
only representatives of loyalty. 

The negotiators at London simply demanded of Congress, 
in Article 5 of the treaty, that the friends of the government 
should be treated with moderation. But this simple recom- 
mendation of a principle with which the English govern- 
ment itself was so little acquainted, had no effect on the 



AMERICAN WAR. 69 

Americans, who did not consider themselves obliged to 
take any lessons from their enemy. They had gained the 
victory ; they used it, and declared the presence of those 
traitors who had abandoned their fellow-citizens in the pe- 
riod of peril, to be incompatible with the tranquillity and 
safety of the United States. The severity was excessive, 
but lawful. But what term shall be applied to the culpable 
indifference of the English to their brothers in arms 1 

This improvidence was the cause of most cruel embar- 
rassments. The English army who had been ordered to 
embark was obliged to remain in America, to grant an asy- 
lum in its ranks to the royalists who rushed to it in crowds. 
These refugees, mortified and desperate, tore in pieces and 
trampled on that English uniform which they had assumed, 
and for which they were proscribed. Many cursed this 
fatal war, and their blind fidelity. Their fate appeared so 
distressing to many of the patriots, that Dr. Franklin went 
to London with a view to obtain relief for their misfortunes, 
and presented to the king an humble address of the Ameri- 
can royalists. The generous course of this celebrated re- 
publican gave the government a severe lesson. It was un- 
successful. The ministers granted a little relief, but it was 
more like alms than the payment of a sacred debt ; and 
when the general, Sir Guy Carleton, received the answer 
of government, he could not restrain his tears, on commu- 
nicating it to the numerous body of royalists. All that he 
could do, was to offer them vessels to transport them to 
other parts of America. Some took refuge in Canada, 
others in Nova Scotia, and in the Bahamas. This was 
the reward of their devotion, and even of their shame. 
The government, whom they had preferred to their coun- 
try, left them, in exchange for their property and blood, 
banishment and proscription. 



70 THE INDIES. 



CHAPTER III 
THE INDIES. 

I. HISTORY OF PONDICHERRY RECALL OF DUPLEIX CAP- 
TURE AND RECAPTURE OF THE CITY VANDALISM OF THE 

ENGLISH.— 1754— 1793. 

In 1754, when the distinguished commander of the 
French Indian possessions, Dupleix, was recalled to Paris 
by the intrigues of the English cabinet, the power of France 
in this beautiful colony was strong and respected. Dupleix, 
the arbitrator for the kings of India, and his brave lieuten- 
ant, Bussy, passed over the whole Indian coast as conquer- 
ors, and had captured successively Trichnapaly, Gingy, 
Haider-Abad, the four northern provinces, Yalour, Mouzapha- 
Nagar, Rajamandrum,and Cikakol, comprising one hundred 
and thirty leagues of coast, twenty leagues broad. The 
city of Chandernagor, where Dupleix had concentrated the 
commerce of Bengal, was rich and flourishing. Pondicher- 
ry, surrounded with high walls, flanked by the forts of Ar- 
riancoopum, Villenaor, Bahour, Valdaour, and their depen- 
dencies, governing a compact territory ten leagues long and 
as many broad, bringing to the state a revenue of 5,000,000 
francs, formed the seat of government. Near that was 
Karikal, equally rich and powerful. If we add to all these 
conquests, Mazulipatnam, with Condavir, the island of 
Devy, the island of Siringham, Yanoon, and its dependen- 
cies, finally, Mahe, with four leagues of territory, its forts 
and its walls, we shall have but a slight idea of the French 
power in India. 

Notwithstanding the incapacity of the governors who 



THE INDIES. 71 

were the immediate successors of Dupleix, the colony was 
still prosperous till the arrival of Lally-tollendal. On the 
28th of April, 1758, he arrived at the seat of government, 
and January 22d, 1760, Pondicherry alone remained of all 
the French possessions. Mahe, Chandernagor, and Kari- 
kal were taken and dismantled ; the four northern provin- 
ces were lost ; all the islands and even the forts around 
Pondicherry were in the power of the English. 

The siege of Pow^icherry commenced. After forty days 
the English commander, Col. Coot, offered a capitulation. 
But Lally-tollendal surrendered his army at discretion. 

January 17th, 1761, the British flag waved over Pondi- 
cherry, and was saluted with a thousand guns ; but the 
former power of the French colony had caused the English 
great uneasiness, and they soon abused a victory to which 
they were unaccustomed. They razed the fortifications, and 
outraged the rights of humanity, by tearing down houses 
and destroying churches. They left the inhabitants with- 
out resources, and changed this flourishing city into a lone- 
ly solitude. Some of the proscribed and ruined French 
withdrew into the interior of the country, and others went 
to Hyder Aly, the Sultan of Maissour, where they were 
gladly received. The peace which was concluded the 
next year, 1762, restored Pondicherry to the French, but it 
was a mass of ruins. So with Chandernagor and Mahe. 
This latter city, which was remarkable for the beauty of 
its houses, presented only a few pieces of wall which were 
so firm that they had resisted the efforts of English vandal- 
ism. The ri"'»s of the governmental palace, an elegant 
edifice in stucco, are now covered with vines loaded down 
with the richness of tropical vegetation. 

April 11th, 1765, Law of Lauriston took possession of 
the ruins of Pondicherry. The renown of this new Gov- 
ernor, and the evidences which he gave of his talent, soon 
recalled the exiled inhabitants, who rallied with eagerness 
under the French standard. Pondicherry rose from its 



72 THE INDIES. 

ruins ; the houses and churches were rebuilt, and the forti- 
fications were again constructed. Bellecombe, who suc- 
ceeded Law in 1769, continued the work of reparation. 
Tho wisdom of his administration inspired confidence ; the 
city soon increased in population, commerce was resumed, 
and prosperity returned. The young city already promised 
to rival the old one, when, i n 1778, the English, irritated 
by the support promised by France t o the United States, 
came without any declaration of war, wivbout any warning, 
assailed Pondicherry, and attacked with fury its inhabitants, 
who imagined that peace still existed. 

The invading force was large, while the city was s>u[[ 
dismantled and destitute of artillery and troops. 

Bellecombe, although surprised, made a spirited and 
vigorous defence. 

We regret that our space does not permit us to detail all 
the incidents of this siege, which are but little known. We 
would like to state the particulars of the heroic defence 
against an entire army made by a handful of brave men far 
from their country, without a prospect of success, and with- 
out a hope of glory. They were obliged to surrender, 
however, and the English again entered the city to destroy 
it. The inhabitants were once more driven from their 
dwellings, and min^s were constantly sprung, until the con- 
quest of the English was a mass of ruins. 

The unhappy colonists \ V ere driven into the country, 
where they soon found a poweiful ally who promised to 
avenge them. 

In 1763, a soldier of fortune, Hyder Ali Khan, ascended 
the throne of Maissour, and these fertile countries soon be- 
came, through his activity, the centre of a powerful empire. 
With no rival to dispute with him the soil, he attacked all 
the small kingdoms on the coast of Malabar ; then march- 
ing to the east, he passed the Ghauts and deployed his 
forces on the vast plateau which extends from Trichinopoly 
to near Bangalore. An enthusiastic and fanatic Mussul- 



THE INDIES. 73 

man, lie preached Islamism like the lieutenants of Mahom- 
et, and massacred all who refused to be circumcised. Fi- 
nally, after subduing the nation of Vedaies, he found him- 
self upon the borders of the English territory. It was soon 
found that one of these two rival powers must yield, and 
both, animated with instinctive hatred, proclaimed war to 
the knife. In order to expose the deception of his adver- 
saries, who had already commenced their habitual intrigues, 
Hyder AH commenced hostilities, and on the first of July 
he invaded the Carnatic, at the head of one hundred thou- 
sand men. In the first battle, he was obliged to yield to 
the superiority of European tactics, but he followed up the 
war with energy, and his repeated attacks weakened the 
English army, who could not repair their losses, as he could 
his. Under these circumstances France resumed hostili- 
ties with a vigor which threatened to extinguish the Anglo- 
Indian empire, if its success had not been interrupted by 
peace. The Bailey of Suffren appeared in the Indian seas 
at the head of a powerful squadron, and soon obtained a su- 
periority in those seas, where the British flag had floated 
triumphantly for so many years. In six engagements in 
which Admirals Rodney and Hughes commanded, he gain- 
ed the advantage ; and if Pondicherry had then belonged 
to the French, and could have been made the centre of mili- 
tary operations, the English would probably have been un- 
able to resist. 

April 27th, 1782, Suffren captured from them the fort 
and all the bay from Trincomaly to Ceylon, the finest sea- 
port in the Indian seas. He then went to the assistance 
of Cuddalore, which was threatened by the British fleet. 
On the 13th of June was fought the battle of Cuddalore, 
and the English retired with considerable loss. 

In the mean time, the brave Bussy joined the army of 
Hyder Aly, and in a succession of brilliant marches cap- 
tured from the English their principal possessions on the 
coast of Malabar, and besieged Mangalore, which wag 

7 



74 THE INDIES. 

about to capitulate. Suffren on his part, at the head of his 
victorious fleet, went to attack Admiral Hughes, and to 
crush him by superior force, when he received the follow- 
ing letter : — 

11 To his Excellency Pierre Andre deSufTren, Admiral and 
Commander-in-chief of the Naval forces of his Most Chris- 
tian Majesty in the East Indies : — 

" Sir, — On arriving in this harbor with the squadron of 
his Britannic Majesty, I have received authentic despatch- 
es that the preliminary articles of peace between Great 
Britain and Spain, and also with the Americans, had been 
signed by Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles, the 20th 
of January, and were ratified in France on the 9th of Febru- 
ary. I have taken the liberty to convey this information to 
you, and the copies of these documents, by which it seems to 
me that acts of hostility between Great Britain and France 
ought to cease. 

" I am satisfied that your Excellency appreciates my 
character as an officer, and my feelings of humanity as a 
man, in making this communication to you. I will therefore 
request your Excellency, after reflecting seriously on this 
despatch, to send me word as soon as possible whether the 
war is to be continued. 

" Lord Govver, captain of the frigate Medea, will have 
the honor to send to you my despatches under the British 
flag. In case he does not find you, he has been requested 
to leave them with the Marquis of Bussy. As it is our 
duty, being officers of our respective sovereigns, to put an 
end to all hostilities, I hope to find a friend in your Excel- 
lency, and have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, 

" Yours, Hughes. 

" Madras, June 5th, 1783." 

Five years previous, the English had attacked Pondi- 
cherry without any declaration of war. Suffren could now 
have avenged himself for this perfidy by rejecting the hum- 



THE INDIES. 75 

ble request of the English admiral. He might well have 
doubted the news of a peace communicated to him by an 
interested enemy. But SufTren showed himself a generous 
man and suspended hostilities. 

Bussy withdrew his troops from Hyder Aly, and the 
latter was then exposed to the vengeance of the English. 
Surrounded by snares, and contending against intrigues, 
Hyder Ali died of mortification, bequeathing his hatred and 
his throne to his son Tippoo-Sultan. 

By this peace, the ruins of Pondicherry were restored 
to the French. But the English kept possession of Val- 
daur and Villenaor, without the shadow of right. They 
surrendered Mahec, but not its territory. At a later period, 
and in 1816, when they yielded up to the French their In- 
dian possessions, they profited by this fraudulent antece- 
dent to retain Valdaur and the territory of Mahee. In re- 
gard to this last possession, they alleged that, according to 
the treaty, France was to receive the lands which she pos- 
sessed at the time of the peace. " Now," said they, " the 
armies of Tippoo-Sultan, then the allies of France, had 
military occupation of the territory of Mahee : hence France 
did not possess it." Certainly it required a great deal of 
good nature to accept this argument of British diplomacy. 

The brave veteran Bussy was appointed governor of 
Pondicherry, and the city was rebuilt for the third time. 
But this talented commander did not long retain his power. 
He died suddenly a few months afterward (February 5, 
1784), it was thought by poison. There was, however, no 
cause for this suspicion, except the previous deeds of the 
British cabinet. 

The colony again became compromised by the unsuitable 
governors who succeeded each other rapidly after the 
death of Bussy. The colonial assembly, instituted in 1790, 
did not succeed in the country where a popular form of 
government was established too suddenly ; the city was di- 
vided into furious factions, and its prosperity declined rap- 



76 THE INDIES. 

idly till 1793. Encouraged by the weakness of their ene- 
mies, the English besieged Pondicherry, which was surren- 
dered to them on the first summons and without a contest 
by its last Governor, Clermont. 

II. NEW PERSECUTIONS OF THE ENGLISH IMAGINARY CON- 
SPIRACIES PERFIDY OF THEIR CONDUCT AT THE PEACE 

OF AMIENS BAD FAITH AFTER THE FINAL RESTITUTION 

1793—1816. 

The English having obtained possession of Pondicherry 
once more, its fortifications, which had been destroyed and 
rebuilt so many times, were again prostrated. But the houses 
were spared. Former devastations had forced a great 
many desperate men to join the army, and these terrible 
adversaries had taught the English to pursue another course 
of policy. It was better to keep them in their power, and 
to strike them down in silence. As a pretext for harsh 
measures, it was pretended that Pondicherry was a focus 
of insurrection, which threatened to destroy the British 
power in India. A large body of spies were organized, 
and it was not difficult for informers, who were well paid, 
to hatch up a plot. A great many of the inhabitants were 
successively taken from their houses and transported, with- 
out trial, to distant colonies. But this persecution was too 
slow, and the proofs of the English informers were too sus- 
picious, to authorize these punishments. It was necessary 
to find an accuser among the French, and a miserable man 
was hired to perform this part. It was suddenly pretend- 
ed that a plot existed at Pondicherry against the British 
government ; that the inhabitants proposed to join Tippoo- 
Sultan, and to aid him in expelling the British from India. 
Lists of the proscribed were drawn up under the direction 
of the informer, and, as would naturally be expected, the 
most respectable inhabitants of the place were found among 
the guilty. On the 15th of February, 1799, at eight o'clock 



THE INDIES. 77 

in the evening, a detachment of Sepoys, commanded by a 
British officer, passed through the streets of the city in si- 
lence. Every Frenchman on the list was taken from his 
house and family, delivered to Malabars, who chained them 
and conducted them before the English commander, Bosk, 
and thence to the vessel which was to transport them. 

The Triton, a large vessel, was soon loaded with the 
prisoners, but could not take them all. 

This ship departed under convoy of a frigate, and disem- 
barked the French colonists into a hulk at Chatham, where 
they remained till the peace of Amiens. The rest of the 
prisoners were placed on board of a transport, which soon 
sailed under convoy of a frigate for England. But the fate 
of this vessel was different from that of the preceding. 
Among the prisoners was the captain of a privateer, named 
Pineau, a man of intellect and courage, a man who resolved 
to release himself and companions from this odious cap- 
tivity. 

The enterprise was difficult. The vessel was well arm- 
ed, the crew numerous, and the frigate was always in sight. 
Every day the prisoners came on deck in small squads, to 
breathe the fresh air for an hour on deck, and then went 
below. A depository of canes was found behind the ceil- 
ing of the hold. These canes as they are cut in India are 
short, and resemble strong clubs. The prisoners were all 
to arm themselves with these ; in fact, the ceiling was qui- 
etly removed, and every one armed himself with a club ; 
then taking advantage of the period when a squad went on 
deck, they all followed quietly, attacked the crew, who were 
surprised, and did not have time to use their arms. The 
English were now in turn shut up below, when Pineau 
took command of the vessel. For a few hours he still 
obeyed the signal of the frigate, but when night came Pi- 
neau extinguished his signal lantern, and altered his course. 
He happily arrived at the Isle of France, where the vessel 
was declared a lawful prize. 

7* 



78 THE INDIES 

The treaty of Amiens now caused strange transactions in 
India. One of the articles of this treaty stipulated that 
Pondicherry should be restored to France. A squadron 
was therefore fitted out at Brest, under the command of 
Admiral Linois, to effect this change. He carried about 
fifteen hundred men, under the command of General De- 
caen, who had the title of General-in-Chief of the French 
Establishment East of the Cape of Good "Hope. The 
frigate Belle Poule, an excellent sailer, arrived on -the 15th 
June, 1802, having on board Adjutant General Binaut and 
152 men, and also M. Leger, the colonial prefect, and his 
family. It was to the latter that the place was to be given 
up. The English commissioner, Cullen, permitted them to 
disembark quietly. 

Twenty five days afterwards, on the 11th of July, the 
whole squadron arrived at Pondicherry, and General De- 
caen summoned Cullen to execute the treaty and give up 
the place. 

The latter pretended that he had not sufficient power ; 
and General Decaen was obliged to send one of his staff- 
officers to Madras, on board the Belle Poule, to demand of 
the governor the execution of the treaty of Amiens. Cul- 
len, notwithstanding his refusal, insisted several times that 
Decaen should disembark his troops. His urgency ex- 
cited the suspicions of the general, who refused to disem- 
bark until the English surrendered the place. His suspi- 
cions were also strengthened by the appearance of an 
English fleet, which was stationed at Cuddalore, and had 
rapidly followed the movements of the French squadron. 
This fleet was commanded by Admiral Regnier, and was 
composed of five seventy-fours, one fifty-gun ship, and five 
frigates. This squadron was moored in the harbor of Pon- 
dicherry, to windward of the French squadron, which was 
composed of only one ship of the line, two frigates, and 
two transports. The instinctive distrust of General De- 
caen satisfied him that his position was dangerous. In 



THE INDIES. 79 

his rear was the British fleet ; before him, the country- 
guarded by superior forces ; and, above all, were the urgent 
entreaties of the commissioner Cullen, which were more 
suspicious, because they were very pacific. In fact, it was 
afterwards ascertained that the English, who knew how 
little reliance to place upon the permanency of the treaty, 
wished to blockade the French in port, while peace was 
still officially recognised. But the prudence of the general 
disappointed this perfidy. Soon after the Belle Poule left 
the port, the French corvette Le Belier arrived, bringing 
the news that hostilities were resumed, with orders for Gen- 
eral Decaen to proceed to the Isle of France. Congratu- 
lating himself upon his caution, he lost no time in frus- 
trating the projects of British policy. He confined the 
crew of the Belier aboard of their vessel, to prevent the 
news from being known, and sent for M. Leger co come 
on board his vessel, and there showed him his despatches, 
telling him that he should sail that night. M. Leger pro- 
tested against this, and demanded that his wife and children 
should come on board, but in vain ; for the safety of the 
squadron was at stake. 

At night the cables were cut in silence, and before the 
English perceived any movement, the squadron was under 
sail. 

The Belle Poule sooji returned, with the peremptory re- 
fusal of the British governor. On approaching the harbor, 
the departure of the French fleet was observed, when she 
again made sail, and although pursued by the English, ar- 
rived at the Isle of France in safety. In his spite, the 
English admiral seized all the French vessels in the har- 
bor. This was an act of piracy. 

Adjutant General Binaut, and the one hundred and fifty- 
two men whom he had disembarked with him on the faith 
of a treaty, still remained at Pondicherry. As the English 
flag had never ceased to float over the city, they could not, 
according to the laws of war, be regarded as prisoners. 



80 THE INDIES. 

Notwithstanding, they were besieged in the barracks where 
they were quartered, and summoned to surrender by an 
army of twenty-four hundred men. Binaut, justly indignant, 
replied that the French would defend themselves to the 
last. " In dying honorably," said he, " we shall disgrace 
you." This noble firmness suspended all attacks, and 
Binaut dictated to the English the terms of a glorious ca- 
pitulation. The small detachment marched out of their 
quarters with their arms and baggage, drums beating, and 
colors Hying. A short time afterwards, these same men 
were sent to France in an English vessel, according to the 
terms of the capitulation, having received to the time of 
their departure the pay allowed them by the republic. 

At this time, the natives again became the object of per- 
secution. It was pretended that a treasonable correspon- 
dence between the French and the Hindoo princes had 
been found 00 board of a vessel sent by Binaut to the Isle 
of France, to inform them of the capitulation. Many were 
now thrown into prison, where they remained so long as 
the fears or caprice of the government prompted. 

But the maritime reverses of imperial France left the 
English in quiet possession of their conquest, and took 
away from the inhabitants all hopes of relief. 

By the treaty of May 30th, 1811, England agreed to 
surrender to France all the Indian possessions she occupied 
in 1792 ; it was not till Dec. 4th, 1816, that Pondicherry 
was given up. But there were still spoliations, which the 
British government did not disguise. First, it retained the 
territory of Mahee, we have already seen under what pre- 
text, and then the most important district of Pondicherry, 
Valdaur, which had always belonged to the French. For 
this last usurpation, it gave no reason. Finally, the whole 
French territory was cut up so as to be intersected in all 
points by English establishments, so that there could be no 
unity between them. The treaty of 1814 was thus exe- 
cuted in this fraudulent manner ; and France has yet to 
demand redress for these scandalous usurpations. 



THE INDIES. 81 



III. ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE ENGLISH POWER IN 

INDIA RUIN OF THE MOGUL POWER THE CONTESTS 

BETWEEN THE HINDOOS AND MUSSULMEN. 

The English, in all of their colonial establishments in 
India, commenced very humbly, but rapidly advanced their 
fortunes. They presented themselves as suppliants, estab- 
lished themselves as friends, but soon assumed the tone of 
masters. The English agent is at first a peaceable mer- 
chant, who founds a commercial house under the high pro- 
tection of a rajah or nabob.* His house is then enlarged, 
his possessions are extended ; he builds a fort, and some 
soldiers come in quietly and take possession of it. If the 
nabob or rajah awakes from his slumber, he perceives that 
his ministers betray him, and that all of his counsellors are 
bought over. Does he wish to oppose intrigue by intrigue, 
he is soon enveloped in a net-work of domestic conspira- 
cies, which terminate under the auspices of his English 
friend, by a revolt or poison. 

Does he wish to act energetically, and get rid of his per- 
fidious neighbors by force ? behold a pretender comes to 
claim his throne, who is supported by a troop of English. 
For in this country of polygamy, it is not difficult to find 
an heir of the last prince wonderfully adapted to serve the 
ambition of his interested defenders. The English knew 
how to turn these pretenders to account, and in every one 
of their establishments is found an unhappy legitimist who 
awaits their justice to restore him to his rights. 

The pretender, in their view, is an article of commerce, 
and a machine of war ; he serves as a scare-crow to obtain 
concessions, or as a mantle to cover deeds of violence. 
According to the necessities of the case, he is either con- 

• The rajahs are Hindoo princes ; the nabobs are Mussulman chiefs. 
The term nazim, or soubah, is applied to other viceroys, who are the de- 
pendants of the great mogul. 

5* 



82 THE INDIES 

fined in a palace, or is surrounded with all the glitter of 
royalty. Finally, when a titled rajah, fatigued with threats, 
and almost ruined by being plundered, wishes to terminate 
his concessions, the English will have nothing to do with 
this usurper ; they invoke the sacred cause of legitimacy, 
and replace the pretender on the throne of his fathers. 
But it is on condition that he will accept their exclusive 
protection ; they take charge of his revenue, direct his af- 
fairs, exact from him a large sum of tribute money, and or- 
der him to sleep in his palace. Such has been the con- 
stant and uniform progress of the English in all their usur- 
pations, and thus the merchant becomes changed into a 
sovereign. i 

This system was commenced on the small rajahs or na- 
bobs, too happy to sell their independence for a throne. 
But it afterwards extended to more powerful princes and 
large empires, and finally the great Mogul himself became 
the first vassal of the English company, who kept him 
strictly dependant on them, although extending to him the 
external homage of sovereignty. Thus they willingly be- 
stowed on him all the ambitious titles of his powerful an- 
cestors the Aurengzeyb and the Tehanguir ; he was call- 
ed the sun of the world, the light of believers, his majesty 
Abool-Mozzufer-Surajouden-Mohammed-Behadour. But 
all these titles served only to disguise his slavery under 
numerous trappings of pompous ceremonies. Shut up in 
his harem as in a prison, Mohammed was surrounded by 
an English body-guard, who watched all his motions, es- 
corted him from one apartment to another, and bestowed 
upon him those honors which he could not refuse. The 
English declared themselves his humble ministers, and in 
this character they took care of his revenues ; they pro- 
claimed themselves his faithful servants, and claimed the 
privilege of watching over his valuable life. Did he wish 
to take the air ? So great a prince could not appear in 
public, unless surrounded by all the homage due to the 



THE INDIES. 83 

splendor of his rank ; the sun of the world could not ap- 
pear, until his coming was announced to mortals. A thou- 
sand guns were therefore fired ; an army of elephants, ca- 
valiers, and palanquins was paraded, and when everything 
was ready, the magnificent emperor could go out. He 
was, however, obliged to pay a pagoda for every gun fired, 
so that every promenade cost him seven thousand five hun- 
dred francs for smoke. 

At one time this poor Mohammed, who was a brave and 
resolute young man, attempted to emancipate himself, and 
spoke freely to his humble ministers the English. Some 
pieces of cannon even were found concealed. This led to 
explanation ; complaints were made, and threats were ut- 
tered, and at one time the sun of the world was even to 
have been shot. Finally the great Mogul, circumvented on 
all sides, was obliged to become reconciled to his satellites, 
and concealed his anger and his humiliation in his harem. 
The same system of espionage oppressed the nabob of the 
Carnatic, Mohammed-Ghoos-Khan, that of Tandiman Ra- 
gouauth, the rajahs of Mysore, of Travancour, of Cochin, 
and all the small Rajahs, Rajahpoots, and Mahrattas of the 
north, at Gwailior, Bhurkpoore, Karnoul Jessore, &c. &c. 

As, however, the support of this system was expensive, 
the English company simplified the thing, by removing its 
pensioners, in a very simple way. It organized a conspir- 
acy, at the head of which was always the compromised ra- 
jah, and this unfortunate man was suddenly seized and ar- 
rested for a conspiracy of which he was entirely ignorant. 
He was tried very quietly, and if not strangled, was con- 
demned to perpetual imprisonment. His pension was then 
awarded to the company, who had long before been in pos- 
session of his territory. In this manner the rajahs of 
Kourg, Karnoul, and many others were disposed of. In these 
bloody comedies, it is curious to observe the impertur- 
bable gravity of the English when speaking with indignation 
of the bad faith or the treachery of those perfidious princes, 



84 THE INDIES. 

who had been loaded with benefits, but in whom they could 
place no confidence. 

This was the manner in which England obtained posses- 
sion of a vast territory of one million one hundred and 
twenty-eight thousand square miles, and embracing a popu- 
lation of two hundred millions. But these usurpations were 
aided by other circumstances, and this gigantic power was 
developed by other acts of wickedness. In order to under- 
stand the situation of the Indian empire correctly, let us re- 
fer a little to events of an earlier period. 

In 1732, the Mogul power was ruined. The celebrated 
Thamas Koulikan, Shah of Persia, had conquered Hindos- 
tan, carried Delhi by assault, and made a prisoner of the 
great Mogul, with a booty estimated at more than five mil- 
lions. 

As a consequence of the wars in which the heirs of the 
conqueror were engaged, the Nabobs, Soubahs, Rajahs, and 
all the viceroys of the great Mogul endeavored to profit by 
the general confusion to render themselves independent. 
At the same time the two inimical races, who since the 
conquest have always lived on the same soil, but have 
never blended with each other, the Mussulman and the 
Hindoos, resumed their former contentions ; and these lat- 
ter judged the occasion a favorable one to strike ofT the 
Mussulman yoke, and avenge the religion of Brahma. 

The Mussulman princes took up arms : they wished to 
enlarge their personal power by the remains of the Mogul 
empire, and at the same time to punish the temerity of the 
Hindoos, who threatened the disciples of Mohammed. 

Among the Mussulman chiefs, Daoust-Aly-Khan, Nabob 
of Arcot, had assembled a formidable army, which was 
joined by a number of inferior nabobs, who took part in this 
religious war. He gave the command of his army to his 
son Sabder-Aly-Khan, and his son-in-law Sander-Saheb, 
and sent them to conquer the peninsula of the Ganges, which 
was then divided between the Hindoo rajahs of Tanjore, 



THE INDIES 85 

Trichinopoly, Marava, Madura, and Mysore. The Mussul- 
man invaders conquered and captured successively, Trich- 
inopoly, Marava, Madura, and Cape Cormorin ; they then 
passed up the coast of Malabar ; they conquered Travan- 
core easily, and then turned their attention to Tanjore. 

The rajah of this latter province, terrified by the rapid 
progress of the Mussulman army, retired to his capitol and 
sent for aid to his father, the powerful rajah of the Mahrattas. 
To his solicitations were added those of all the small rajahs 
who had been conquered, who represented to the Mahrattas 
that this was a crusade of Islamism against the Hindoo 
worship. The ministers of the Maha-rajah, all Brahmins, 
sustained their request, and the deliverance of the penin- 
sula was resolved upon. 

The Maha-rajah levied an army of one hundred and fifty 
thousand men, and sixty thousand horses, the command of 
which he gave to his son Ragogi-Soubah. The Mahrattas 
commenced their march October 17, 1739. 

Daoust-Aly-Khan also advanced and took up a position 
in the impregnable defiles of the Ghauts. But he impru- 
dently intrusted one of the defiles to a Hindoo prince who 
served in his army. The latter, secretly persuaded by those 
of his own faith, permitted a considerable body of the Mah- 
rattas to pass, who advanced silently by certain by-ways, 
and violently assaulted the rear-guard of Daoust, while 
Ragogi attacked him in front. The battle was terrible and 
severe. There were two entire nations engaged in con- 
flict, and immense troops of elephants added on both sides 
to the confusion and carnage. Daoust, surrounded with 
enemies, drove his elephant into the thickest part of the 
battle ; but the Hindoo infantry assaulted the Mussulmen 
with their slings, a weapon in the hands of a Mahratta as 
terrible as a musket. Daoust was struck by a stone thrown 
by his elephant, and his death became the signal of a gen- 
eral route. Fifty thousand Mussulmen were killed in these 
defiles, where they expected to have captured the enemy, 

8 



Ob THE INDIES. 

and the Mahrattas took an equal number of prisoners with 
an immense booty. 

This battle, which was fought on the 17th of May, 1740, 
was long remembered by the Mussulmen, for at this period 
commenced the decline of their power in India. From this 
time the Hindostan empire lost its unity. The rajahs were 
no longer obliged to bow before the power of Islamism, and 
profited by its disasters to become independent. On the 
other hand, the nabobs, who contended against the Hindoos, 
finding no support in the central power of Delhi, absolved 
themselves from all sovereignty, and the country was divi- 
ded among a great number of hostile sovereigns. Things 
were in a most favorable position tor foreign invaders, and 
this was the time that the English enlarged their establish- 
ments on the borders of the Ganges. 

These details, though very imperfect, are important, as 
explaining the history of the English [tower in India. The 
Mussulmen alone could resist the British power, but they 
had lost their influence in a decisive battle. The Hindoo 
rajahs could neither act with the same activity, nor the 
same union. The powerful nation of the Mahrattas was 
doubtless strong enough to repel the strangers ; but the 
changeable and versatile character of these people, their 
rivalries and rapacity, could not resist the slow but corrupt 
action of the British agents. Hence the only serious dan- 
ger to the company came from a Mussulman chief, Hyder 
Aly, all whose efforts tended to elevate Islamism. The 
fall of the empire of Mysore was undoubtedly a most use- 
ful triumph to the English. It was the definite destruction 
of the Mussulman power. 



THE INDIES. 87 



IV. COL. CLIVE CONSPIRACY OF THE ENGLISH AGAINST 

THE SOUBAH OF BENGAL, SURAJAH DOULAH HIS DEFEAT 

AND ASSASSINATION VILLANY OF COL. CLIVE MISERY OF 

THE INDIANS ACCUSATION OF CLIVE BEFORE THE HOUSE 

OF COMMONS HIS ACQUITTAL. 

At the time when the French power, which had hitherto 
preponderated in India, was compromised by the feeble ef- 
forts of Dupleix, the English establishment on the borders 
of the Ganges was commanded by a bold, avaricious, and 
cruel man, who knew how to fight and to intrigue, and in 
whose opinion success justified every means. Colonel 
Clive, faithful to British habits, shrunk from no perfidy 
which seemed to him profitable ; when accused for his 
crimes, he justified himself by his triumphs ; it was the 
most acceptable argument he could use in a country where 
the honest man is he who succeeds. 

Let us glance now at some of the principal events. Af- 
ter the death of Thamas Kouli-kan, and while his lieutenants 
were contending furiously for the succession, the Hindoos 
profited by the division of the conquerors, and placed on the 
throne of Delhi the descendants of Aurengzybe. But these 
degenerate kings could not regain their former power, and 
the nabobs, the rajahs, and soubahs, preserved their inde- 
pendence in spite of the fictitious sovereignty of the great 
Mogul, the Emperor of Ilindostan. Among their princes, 
one of the richest and most powerful was the soubah of 
Bengal, Surajah Doulah. A neighbor of the English, and 
consequently surrounded by their spies, he entertained for 
them that deep hatred which they always knew how to ex- 
cite, in order to justify their aggressions. Aided by the 
brave Bussy, he had several times succeeded in his con- 
tests with them, when his allies the French were recalled 
to Pondicherry, just as they were about to attack Fort 
William, at Calcutta, in 1757. Clive judged the opportuni- 



88 THE INDIES. 

ty to be favorable. He had, as usual, a pretender ready, 
Jaffier-Ali-Khan. But this was not sufficient. To facili- 
tate the victory, it was necessary to find a traitor in the 
palace of Surajah Doulah. One of his principal ministers, 
Omichund, was purchased, and in a treaty signed by him, 
Clive, and Jaffier, it was agreed that Omichund should sur- 
render the capital city Moorshedabad, and that he should 
receive, as a price for his treason, five per cent, of the 
treasures of the soubah, and thirty lacks of rupees. The 
treaty was written and signed on red paper. 

The two armies took the field, and met at Plassey. Su- 
rajah Doulah defended himself bravely, but surrounded with 
traitors, and having with him no longer the French, by 
whose aid alone he was enabled to resist European tactics, 
he was obliged to yield, was deserted, and took refuge in 
the cavern of a Fakir. 

The battle of Plassey occurred June 23d, 1747. This 
date is important, as it was the commencement of the pow- 
er of the English, which soon afterwards was immensely 
developed. 

Unfortunately, the Fakir with whom Surajah had taken 
refuge was a celebrated thief, whose ears had been crop- 
ped by order of the soubah. Either from resentment or 
the hope of recompense, the soubah's place of refuge was 
mentioned to the conqueror. The soubah was seized by 
Clive, and although a prisoner of war, yet Clive ordered 
him to be beheaded. 

Shortly after, a new scene occurred at the palace of 
Moorshedabad. Omichund came to Jaffier and Clive, to re- 
ceive the price of his treason. As the English chief paid 
Omichund much less than had been agreed on, the latter 
complained that he had broken his word. " Have we not," 
said Clive, " complied with the agreement ?" at the same 
time producing an agreement which stipulated the sum 
which had been paid him. " But that is not our bargain," 
cried Omichund ; " ours was on red paper." — " Very well," 



THE INDIES. 89 

said Colonel Clive, " this is on white." Omichund was 
amazed to find his own perfidy exceeded, and made no far- 
ther remarks ; they would have been useless or dangerous. 

Colonel Clive gave Jaffier twenty lacks of rupees, as 
compensation for his services. 

Having gained wealth for himself, Clive now wished to 
make some for the company, and he soon had an opportu- 
nity. Ramnarain, nabob of Patna, refused to acknowledge 
the authority of the new Soubah of Bengal, Jaffier- Ali- 
Khan. The latter called upon his friends, the English, to 
assist him in subduing the rebellious vassal. Clive joined 
him with his troops, but first stipulated that the revenues 
of the three districts of Brudwan, Nuddea, and Hougley, 
should be ceded to the company, Clive receiving an annui- 
ty of thirty thousand pounds sterling. On the approach of 
the English troops, Ramnarain surrendered, and was con- 
tinued in the principality of Patna, notwithstanding the ef- 
forts of Jaffier. But it was policy in Clive to keep in re- 
serve a rival to oppose to the soubah. 

As a recompense for his services, Lord Clive was ap- 
pointed by the company, Governor of Bengal. He kept 
this position only two years ; he was then forced to return 
to Europe, and was succeeded by Vansittart. 

New discords, however, arose among the Hindoos, and 
afforded the company a new pretext for war, and an un- 
looked for increase of power. The great Mogul, Shah- 
Allurn, who inherited the throne, endeavored to regain the 
authority possessed by his illustrious predecessors, and had 
commenced a war against Ramnarain and Sujah-ul-Doulah, 
and against Oude, a rich and beautiful province on the bor- 
ders of Bengal ; he declared his intention of dispossessing 
Jaffier- Ali-Khan, who had manifested hostile designs against 
him. 

The nabob of Patnah and soubah of Bengal had at first 
been assisted by the English, but the great Mogul having 
made magnificent propositions to the latter, they saw the 

8* 



90 THE INDIES. 

advantage to be derived from having the emperor, the king 
of kings, dependant upon them. The company then secret- 
ly resolved to abandon Jaffier- Ali-Khan. It was not diffi- 
cult to become estranged from him, as he was extremely 
weak and irresolute, but his son, Chuta Nabob, a bold and 
enterprising young man, who was already known for his 
hatred of foreigners, was not so easily imposed upon. Al- 
ready the English had complained of his indocility. While 
deliberating what was best to be done with him, the young 
nabob accompanied the English troops to Patna ; one day 
he was found dead in his tent j the English said he was 
killed by lightning. 

Disembarrassed of this obstacle, Vansittart sent to the 
soubah a long memorial, setting forth to his faithful ally the 
numerous grievances which obliged him to withdraw the 
protection of the English from the soubah. " It seems evi- 
dent," said the governor, " that your ministers attend only 
to their interests ; they neglect the good of the country, 
and oppress your unhappy subjects. On seeing the affairs 
in the hands of unworthy men, I raise my eyes to heaven, 
and complain to Providence of having been sent to this 
country in the midst of such great calamities." This hy- 
pocritical message closed by an amicable recommendation, 
in which the governor advised Jaffier to receive Cossien- 
Ali-Khan as his coadjutor. 

Jaffier, unable to resist, was in no hurry to obey, and on 
the 19th of October, 1700, the day of the great Hindoo fes- 
tival, Colonel Caillaud appeared in front of the palace at 
the head of the English troops, having with him Cossien- 
Ali-Khan. The doors were closed, and Caillaud sent to 
the soubah a messenger with a letter from the governor, in 
which it was stated that he, the governor, had detached an 
armed force to deliver him from his wicked advisers, pro- 
testing at the same time, and in the usual terms, that his 
only motive was the interests of the soubah. 

On receiving this letter, Jaffier could not control his emo- 



THE INDIES. 91 

tions. Excited by anger and fear, he sometimes exclaimed 
that no oath was sacred with the English ; sometimes he 
deplored the death of his son, which exposed his old age 
to the mercy of traitors. While he was lamenting, the 
English commander sent him message after message, and 
finally sent word that he should commence an assault on the 
palace. The old man was terrified, submitted, and con- 
sented to abdicate in favor of Cossien, provided his life and 
honor should be respected, and that he should receive a 
pension suitable to his rank. These conditions were grant- 
ed to him, and he retired to Calcutta with the governor, 
who was interested in keeping the soubah within his reach, 
as a means of assuring himself of the fidelity of Cossien- 
Ali-Khan. 

Agreeably to the treaty previously signed at Calcutta, the 
new soubah granted to the company the revenue of several 
districts of his kingdom, and made, at the same time, a spe- 
cial donation of twenty lacks of rupees, which were divided 
between Vansittart, Caillaud, Hoi well, and Sumner, mem- 
bers of the council of the presidency. 

But scarcely were the presents given and received, than 
the agents at Calcutta complained of their new ally. Un- 
der Jaffier, every article of commerce had been subjected 
to exorbitant duties ; the English agents alone were ex- 
empted from paying any duty. This odious privilege con- 
stituted a monopoly in favor of the English which ruined all 
the Hindoo merchants, and brought considerable sums to 
the company. Cossien had obtained from Vansittart a 
convention, which, by diminishing the duties, permitted the 
natives to compete with strangers. The English merchants 
of Calcutta and other towns complained loudly, and the 
government sent a deputation to Cossien, to demand a modi- 
fication of the treaty. But the soubah replied that he had 
complied with all his engagements, and he hoped that the 
English would be as faithful to theirs as he had been to 
his. Unfortunately, some of the natives who were inform- 



92 THE INDIES. 

ed of the visit of the English deputies, assailed them on 
their return, and massacred them. This act of violence 
gave the council of the presidency a legitimate pretext for 
breaking the treaties. Jaffier was invited to resume his 
dignity, and an English army advanced against Cossien- 
Ali-Khan. 

Notwithstanding the capture of his capital, Cossien de- 
fended himself with vigor, fought two battles with the Eng- 
lish, and retired with the remnant of his troops to Sujah- 
ul-Doulah, with whom also was the Great Mogul, who had 
accepted the alliance of this powerful nabob, or rather had 
been retained by him in a kind of honorable captivity. It 
was a good opportunity to penetrate into the rich province 
of Oude ; but it was with extreme repugnance that he 
took part in the war against Sujah-ul-Doulah. A passive 
instrument of British ambition, his chains weighed heavily 
upon him. Major Carnot, the English commander, then 
received an order to watch him closely, so as to prevent all 
correspondence between him and the nabob ; and Jaffier, 
the prisoner of his allies, was involved in a war against a 
prince whom he respected. 

Chagrined and wearied, the unhappy soubah returned 
with an escort to his palace of Moorshedabad, where he 
was soon affected with a disease of debility. Perceiving 
that life was ebbing away, he called his son Najim-ul-Doulah, 
and in the presence of the English residents, gave him a 
paper containing his last instructions : he particularly re- 
commended the rajah Nundcomar, a faithful and efficient 
man, for prime minister. 

Jaffier had not been dead long, when the English envoys 
came from Calcutta, under pretext of offering condolence. 

Their first visit was to Jugget-Seet, the treasurer of the 
soubah. " Do something for us," they said, " and we will 
protect you." As the treasurer pretended not to understand 
them, they made a more formal demand. " Give us," said 
fc*ey, " five lacks of rupees, and everything shall be as you 



THE INDIES. 9 

wish." In vain Jugget-Seet wished to avoid this official 
pillage ; after bargaining for a long time, they received one 
hundred and twenty-five thousand rupees. 

The envoys then came to Najim-ul-Doulah, and ordered 
him to take Reza-Khan as prime minister, who had always 
been the avowed enemy of Jaffier. The young soubah 
stated the dying wishes of his father, and showed them his 
written instructions. " What signifies that bit of paper ?" 
said they ; " must our wishes give place to those of an old 
dead man ?" And they forced him to receive Reza-Khan. 
The latter, as a compensation for this service, divided 
among his protectors the furniture, jewels, houses, and ele- 
phants of the soubah. This act of robbery was so scandal- 
ous, that Najim-ul-Doulah complained bitterly to the Eng- 
lish authorities at Calcutta. But the leaders of the com- 
pany could not censure actions of which they themselves 
had been guilty. 

While these events occurred, and the war was continued 
against Soujah-ul-Doulah, Lord Clive arrived at Calcutta 
with the title of governor, and clothed with the full powers 
of the company. A signal victory was gained over the 
nabob, after which the great Mogul, Shah- A Hum, escaped 
from Oude, and placed himself under the protection of the 
English. 

Lord Clive received the king of kings with cordiality, 
and promised to restore him to his throne at Delhi, provi- 
ded he would grant the company, perpetually, the revenues 
of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. His impe- 
rial majesty signed the firman, reserving to himself only 
an annual tribute of twenty-six lacks of rupees. Sujah-ul- 
Doulah soon followed the example of his sovereign. He 
consented to pay fifty lacks, as an indemnity for the expen- 
ses of the war, and also gave up the revenues of his pro- 
vince, receiving a personal pension of forty-two lacks. 

These treaties were signed in August, 1765, and after 
that time the agents of the company were termed the mag- 



94 THE INDIES. 

nificent merchants of the East Indian Company, receivers 
of the magnificent provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, 
servants of the magnanimous emperor, Shah-Allum. 

These concessions brought immense wealth into the cof- 
fers of the East India Company. In his account to the 
council at Calcutta, Lord Clive made a statement of the 
profits produced by these late treaties. 

The revenues of the three provinces are two hundred 
and fifty lacks ; the pension granted to the nabob is forty- 
two lacks ; the tribute to the emperor is twenty-six lacks ; 
the civil and military expenses of the company are sixty 
lacks. There remain then as nett profit to the company, 
one hundred and twenty-two lacks of rupees (thirty millions 
and a half) per annum. 

This immense fortune, however, did not satisfy the Eng- 
lish agents. The cruelties of the war only despoiled 
their enemies ; the oppression of the laws was calculated 
to concentrate in their hands all the riches of the Hindoos 
who obeyed them. Commercial plunder, however, was to 
be more destructive than military pillage. 

The articles of the greatest consumption in India, are 
salt, tobacco, and the betel-nut.* Upon these articles no 
duty had ever been imposed, for they were objects of pri- 
mary necessity. It was this consideration which tempted 
the avidity of the English. A duty of fifty per cent, was 
imposed on the salt, fifteen per cent, on the betel-nut, and 
twenty-five per cent, on the tobacco. All these duties 
were paid into the treasury of the company ; but it was al- 
so necessary to satisfy many private individuals, speculators 
who came from London to explore the Asiatic continent. 
It was then decreed that the English merchants, as sove- 
reigns, acknowledged by the great Mogul, should be exempt- 
ed from all duty. This rendered competition impossible, 
and ruined at a blow all the Hindoo merchants. This ex- 

* The betel-nut is a species of pepper, mixed by the Hindoos with the 
areca-nut, and is chewed by the natives. 



THE INDIES. 95 

elusive monopoly also enabled the English to demand an 
extravagant price for everything, and to realize large profits. 

The right of territorial property was next invaded. Ac- 
cording to Oriental law, the Zemindars or proprietors are 
considered as holding their lands directly from the sove- 
reign, who is the master of the whole territory, with cer- 
tain feudal reservations. These reservations constituted 
the territorial tax ; the English pretended to consider them 
as the rent of the farmers, and treated the Zemindars as 
lessees. Under pretext that most of the leases were ir- 
regular, they annulled all the titles, and without any regard 
for rights acknowledged from time immemorial, they sold 
the leases to the highest bidder. This act of extreme vil- 
lany, which changed entirely the territorial property of 
three provinces, brought with it ruin and desolation. Most 
of the rich Hindoo families were ejected from their proper- 
ty by the employers of the company ; it was the most out- 
rageous act of robbery that could be imagined. 

It was followed by what always happens after great so- 
cial derangements ; the revenues of the company diminish- 
ed in consequence of the misery they had caused. The 
natives, stripped by continual exactions, were obliged to 
renounce their betel-nut and tobacco. Those who cultiva- 
ted the earth sowed with fear, and gathered in sorrow. Im- 
mense tracts of country remained uncultivated ; and a great 
drought added to the causes of distress, and cut off the crop 
of rice, which forms the principal subsistence of the Hin- 
doos. 

The English monopolists eagerly seized this opportunity 
to buy up all the rice in the markets ; and the Hindoos, 
who could on no account eat meat, had no alternative but 
to give the little money which remained, for a few handfuls 
of rice, or to die of starvation. 

All the poor people (and the English administration had 
made many) lived for a long time on roots, but this unhealthy 
nourishment could not relieve their sufferings, and the hor- 



96 THE INDIES. 

rors of pestilence were soon added to those of famine. Let 
any one imagine the ravages of these two scourges, under 
a burning sun in a hot climate, and in the midst of an im- 
poverished population, oppressed by greedy officers. 
Whole families perished ; cities were depopulated ; the 
waters of the Ganges were corrupted by the number of 
dead bodies which floated down its tide. These beautiful 
provinces, so peaceful and happy under the Mogul dynasty, 
were changed into terrific churchyards and charnel-houses. 
The English now saw that even pillage, to be profitable, 
must be subjected to certain rules. The revenues of the 
company were not sufficient to pay its expenses, and the 
privileged merchants derived no profit from a monopoly 
which had ruined and starved the population. 

The pecuniary embarrassments of the company were 
also increased, by the war against Hyder Aly, to such an 
extent, that the annual pensions paid to the nabob of Oude 
and the great Mogul were reduced thirty-four lacks. It is 
true that a certain price had been paid for these revenues, 
but the English found it was extremely simple for an ally 
to pay for their improvidence. 

Finally, affairs took so disastrous a turn that the court of 
directors at London thought necessary to send a commis- 
sion of inquiry, with full power to remedy the evils of East 
Indian administration This commission was composed of 
Vansittart, Scrafton, and Ford. They embarked in Sep- 
tember, 1760 ; but either from accident or design, the ves- 
sel was never heard from. This vain attempt, which ter- 
minated so unfortunately, attracted the attention of parlia- 
ment, and Lord Clive on his return to Europe was accused 
in the House of Commons by General Burgoyne, of the 
numerous robberies with which he had been connected. 
Among other facts, were stated the occurrences at the death 
of Surajah-Doulah, the treaty with Omichund, and the enor- 
mous sums paid by Jaffier-Ali-Khan. Lord Clive. when 
called before the committee of inquiry, stated that he saw r 



THE INDIES. 97 

nothing reprehensible in his conduct; that he could not be 
blamed for accepting the presents ; as the soubah, accord- 
ing to the Oriental custom, had tendered a recompense in 
a manner suitable to his rank, for the efforts of those who 
had been his friends. He added, that the only principles 
which governed him were the interests of the company, 
and the honor of his country. " Yes," exclaimed Colonel 
Barre in the House, " the immense fortunes amassed by 
the officers of the company have doubtless all been gained 
honorably ! if the property of the natives has been taken 
by violence, you say, it is by the rights of war ; if it has 
been extorted by cunning, it is a compensation for dis- 
tinguished services ; if it is taken by a monopoly, it is 
an act of trade. All these subtile distinctions between exac- 
tions and presents, between plunder and recompense, may 
satisfy the magnificent merchants of the company, but they 
are unworthy to be listened to by legislators." 

Lord Clive, however, found some to defend him. His 
brilliant victories were eulogized, and attention was drawn 
to the vast territory of the East, founded principally by an 
officer whom it was now attempted to dishonor. " What 
do his accusers wish 1" said they ; " will they pretend to 
restore to the dispossessed princes their rank and empire ? 
give back to the inhabitants their riches and lands ? No, 
the state wants to keep the conquered countries, and pun- 
ish the conqueror ; to profit by the riches acquired, and to 
dishonor the man who obtained them. If Lord Clive is 
guilty, the government is his principal accomplice." 

These remarks were true, but they did not justify Lord 
Clive ; they only implicated the government in his villany. 

However, they made an impression, and an amendment 
to the resolution was offered, viz. v that Lord Clive had ren- 
dered signal services to his country. This amendment 
was carried by a large majority, and the accusation was 
quashed. Lord Clive, however, felt vividly this attack up- 
on his reputation ; his haughty spirit was indignant at this 

9 



98 THE INDIES. 

public humiliation, and, either from remorse or resentment, 
the proud viceroy committed suicide. 

V. GOVERNMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS. 

Notwithstanding the scandalous acquittal of Lord Clive, 
the robberies by the agents of the company had been so 
severely attacked by the opposition in parliament, that the 
government was obliged to seek a remedy. It would have 
been very easy to introduce good laws into this important 
colony, and the time for doing so was favorable j for the 
financial embarrassments of the company obliged them to 
call upon parliament for relief; the evils they had perpetra- 
ted had recoiled upon their own heads ; they had introdu- 
ced ruin and famine into Bengal, and had impoverished 
themselves by their oppressions. The directors of the 
company at London had accepted the treaties made in 
Bengal, which required a great deal of money, and they 
found it impossible to meet their engagements. They were 
in debt to the Bank of England for money advanced to the 
Custom House, on account of duties ; to the exchequer for 
arrears on their annual contribution of four hundred thou- 
sand pounds sterling. Bankruptcy was staring them in the 
face, when they applied to the government for a loan of 
one million five hundred thousand pound*. Parliament 
was then discussing this proposition. 

Lord North, the prime minister, thought the occasion a 
favorable one for increasing his own power. Hitherto the 
company had been independent in the Indies. The civil 
and military officers were chosen by it ; it disposed of the 
sovereignty of its territorial conquests, and excepting the 
annual tax of four hundred thousand pounds, which was 
paid very irregularly, the government derived nothing from 
the revenue of its numerous provinces. Immense private 
fortunes had been realized amid all these troubles, but noth- 
ing had been done for the government. England had gain- 



THE INDIES. 99 

ed nothing from her Indian possessions, except the re- 
proaches of new crimes and shameful robberies. 

Hence it was natural for the minister to wish to subject 
this colony to government, give unity to his administration, 
and impose on its agents a strict responsibility, and it would 
have been in conformity with the principles of every good 
government. But Lord North had other views. He had 
to contend against a formidable opposition ; he had exhaust- 
ed every means of corruption to preserve his majority in 
Parliament. But he could not respond to the avidity of his 
interested defenders ; venality was pressing and demanded 
more plunder. The rich offices of the Indies would sup- 
ply him with new resources, and the servants of the crown 
could be provided for liberally, if advantage could be taken 
of the embarrassments of the company. The conduct of 
the minister was very skilful on this occasion, as he seem- 
ed to be guided by maxims of sound policy, and attempted 
to gain his ends only by laws of general utility. When 
the demand for the loan was presented to the house, Lord 
North rose and stated, that he thought it politic to assist 
the company, but not just ; that its numerous errors did not 
entitle it to favor, unless the interests of England required 
the colony to be protected against the mismanagement of 
its directors ; it had always been admitted in politics that 
the territory acquiied by the subjects of a state became the 
property of the state, and should be governed by its laws. 
He concluded by stating the positive right of government 
to interfere in all the company's affairs, and particularly in 
its political administration. 

The resolution of the minister was supported by those 
who had so long opposed the tyranny of the sovereign mer- 
chants of India ; it was then decided that most of the pub- 
lic officers and also the important one of governor-general 
should be nominated by the crown. He was to be assisted 
by a council of five members, over whom he was to preside, 
and have a casting vote. At this period the Governor of 



100 THE INDIES. 

Bengal was intrusted with the command of the governors 
of all the other stations. 

As soon as this increase of authority was granted to the 
governor-general, the famous Warren Hastings was appoint- 
ed in 1772, and the opposition was convinced, that the re- 
forms introduced by the minister were very unprofitable to 
the Hindoos, and strengthened tyranny by concentrating it. 

One of the first acts of Hastings was to arrest Reza 
Khan, the same who at the death of Jaffier had been install- 
ed as minister by the English to Najim-ul-Doulah. Short- 
ly afterwards, he imprisoned Shitab-Roy, who performed 
the same duties at Patna that Reza Khan did at Moorshe- 
dabad. The pretence was the abuses of these ministers, 
but the true reason was, to compel them to purchase their 
liberty. Six months after their imprisonment, Hastings, 
who had attempted in vain to extort large sums of money 
from them, wrote to the court of directors : "It may seem 
surprising that Reza Khan and Shitab-Roy are detained 
so long in prison without trial ; but their actions have exci- 
ted many enemies against the British government, and I 
did not wish to bring them to trial, because no one would 
testify against them." It would doubtless be difficult to say 
more in their justification, and yet these unfortunates re- 
mained two years in close confinement, when the governor- 
general himself declared them innocent. We shall see 
hereafter the cause of his change of opinion. 

In the mean time, the Mahrattas, who were always roving 
and plundering, had invaded the province of Oude. The 
nabob, Sujah-ul-Doulah, a tributary of the English, invoked 
their protection, and the Mahrattas were driven to the ter- 
ritory of the Rohiilas, situated to the north of Oude, and 
east of the Ganges. 

The Rohiilas were among the most warlike tribes of In- 
dia, but being too few to resist the Mahrattas, they invoked 
the assistance of the nabob and his English auxiliaries. 
Forty lacks of rupees were promised as the price of this 



THE INDIES. 101 

alliance. Sujah-ul-Doulah, who had long been the enemy 
of the Rohillas, was at first inclined to reject their demand. 
But Hastings was tempted by the money, and ordered him 
to march against the Mahrattas, who were forced to leave 
the invaded territory. 

After their deliverance, however, the Rohillas were in 
no hurry to keep their engagements. The nabob express- 
ed his impatience, as did the governor-general, who, equally 
avaricious, but more cunning, induced him to declare war 
against his ungrateful allies. Finally, in an interview at 
Benares, it was agreed to exterminate the Rohillas. 

Sujah-ul-Doulah was influenced by his hatred for his old 
neighbors, Hastings by his insatiable cupidity ; for it had 
been agreed that the forty lacks of rupees should be paid 
to the English ; the nabob had reserved for himself only 
the right of exterminating his enemies. Never was blood 
bargained for more freely ; the lives of an entire population 
were sold, like an article of merchandise, and not only sold 
but delivered. 

The war, as Sujah-ul-Doulah had stipulated it should be, 
was one of extermination. We cannot detail the cruel 
massacres that were perpetrated. All the refinements of 
oriental vengeance were exhausted upon the unhappy Ro- 
hillas ; women, children, and old men were tortured, ani- 
mals were mutilated, and houses were burned. Some Eng- 
lish officers, who were forced to assist in these barbarities, 
objected to them very strongly, and complained to the gov- 
ernor-general of the service in which they were employed. 
One of them, Colonel Champion, wrote several letters to 
Hastings, detailing his indignation, and saying that the 
authority exercised by the nabob over the English army, 
gave the war a character of atrocity for which he could not 
be responsible. He complained that he could not assist 
those unfortunate Rohillas, who were cruelly massacred 
before his face, and that he was obliged to close his ears 
against the piteous cries of widows and orphans. He 
9* 



IOC THE INDIES. 

painted a frightful picture of all the cruelties he had wit- 
nessed, and did not disguise from the governor his horror 
of such conduct. But all his complaints were vain ; Hast- 
ings admitted that if he opposed the measures of the Sujah, 
this prince might refuse to pay him the sum he had promised. 
And, in fact, the nabob wrote to him about the same time : 
" Do not forget that my resolution is fixed ; the Rohillas 
must be exterminated, and it was with that view that I 
claimed the assistance of the English." 

In vain did the directors of the company complain of this 
bad policy, which gave so much power to Sujah-ul-Doulah ; 
in vain did they represent to Hastings, that the Rohillas 
formed a useful barrier against the invasions of the Mah- 
rattas, and that it was better to spare them than to extend 
the power of the nabob of Oude. Hastings' reply revealed 
his policy. " It is not," said he to the directors, " because 
I wish to serve Sujah-ul-Doulah, but you. I wish to bring 
large sums of money into the treasury, and to carry this 
prince nearer the frontier of the Mahrattas, in order that 
their fears may render them still more dependant on you." 
" The principles which have guided the Marquis of Hast- 
ings," said Fox in parliament, " are horrible ; they are 
those of small mercenary states. But it is disgraceful for 
a powerful nation like Great Britain to say, * Pay me, or I 
will exterminate you.' Yet this is the language of him 
who has been intrusted with the government of one of the 
largest possessions of the British empire. ' Pay the forty 
lacks of rupees I demand, and then I will disobey my or- 
ders ; I will unite my forces with yours, we will extermi- 
nate the Rohillas, and divide their territory.' For the lan- 
guage of Hastings is positive. ' If you do not pay the sum 
promised, you shall be exterminated.' This simple and 
positive language is more powerful than any eloquence." 

Some of Hastings' friends tried to excuse him by saying 
that he had made a treaty with Sujah-ul-Doulah, had enter- 
ed into a guarantee, and was obliged to assist him. Fox 



THE INDIES. . 103 

opposed this logic vehemently : " Never," said he, " have 
I heard a doctrine similar to that now uttered on this floor. 
Instead of being mediators, then, must we co-operate with 
the most barbarous vengeance, the most atrocious rapine. 

11 I find, first, that it is necessary to examine if a grant is 
a guarantee, and I will say, if there be no guarantee, Hast- 
ings is guilty ; if the guarantee was given, it is unpardon- 
able ; a guarantee aggravates all faults. In fact, why take 
up arms if the dispute is for money 1 Forty lacks of ru- 
pees were the only thing in dispute ; no requisition has 
been made for it ; the country was invaded. Compare this 
with the course which Hastings ought to have pursued, as 
mediator. On the contrary, what has been his course ? 
He has received a recompense, to require a sum of money 
of those whom he had engaged by a treaty to defend. Thus 
to the character of a cruel invader, he adds that of a corrupt 
and perjured judge. 

*' And can such a man find apologists in the House of 
Commons ? a noble Lord (Mulgrave) has said, with aston- 
ishing sagacity and wonderful irony, • Must a governor in 
India consult Puflendorf and Grotius V certainly not ; but 
he ought to consult the laws of nature ; his conduct is not 
to be guided by any book ; but by a general law of a knowl- 
edge of all countries, those laws which govern the human 
race, those laws which rest upon humanity, and on which 
humanity reposes." 

• Hastings, however, soon became liable to serious accu- 
sations. When the great Mogul, Shah Allum, was attack- 
ed by the Mahrattas, he had placed the provinces of Corah 
and Alla-Habad under the protection of the English. 
Hastings sold these provinces to Sujah-ul-Doulah for fifty 
lacks of rupees, and shortly after this perfidy, he suppress- 
ed the tribute of twenty-six lacks paid by the company to 
Shah Allum, because this prince, betrayed by the English, 
had formed an alliance with the Mahrattas. 

Thus, this unfortunate emperor was plundered when he 
8 



104 THE INDIES. 

trusted to a British alliance, and robbed when he rejected 
this alliance. 

In 1775, Sujah-ul-Doulah died. The first act of the su- 
preme council of Calcutta was to demand of his successor, 
yet a minor, AsofT-ul-Doulah, the entire payment of the 
amount due by the rajah. The money being paid, the 
English then signified that all the engagements made with 
the old nabob were nullified by his death, and that his suc- 
cessor must pay new subsidies for their protection. They 
had demanded the arrears on the faith of certain treaties 
which were forgotten when there was nothing more to re- 
ceive. 

In accordance with this principle, they again took pos- 
session of the provinces of Corah and Alla-Habad, which 
they had sold to the rajah, and to regain their possession, 
the new nabob was obliged to cede his rights to the terri- 
tory of the Rajah Cheit-Sing, Zemindar of Benares. 

The rajah received notice of this cession, but the gover- 
nor-general added, that he could not despoil this prince of 
his territory, but that the British government would be con- 
tent with the payment of an annual tribute. 

Cheit-Sing, unable to resist, agreed to the propositions, 
and a treaty was concluded between him and the governor 
in 1775. By this treaty it was stipulated, that so long as 
the rajah paid this debt punctually, and obeyed the authori- 
ties of the British government, no more should be demand- 
ed of him ; and that no one should have the right to inter- 
fere with his authority, or to disturb in any manner the 
peace of his territory. 

This language was very precise, and left no pretext for 
new extortion. The rajah, however, soon ascertained the 
value of a treaty with British agents. Hastings, on his own 
authority, and even without consulting the supreme council 
at Calcutta, ordered the rajah to make an extraordinary pay- 
ment of five lacks of rupees. 

Cheit-Sing complained loudly of a demand so different 



THE INDIES. 105 

from the stipulation of 1775, but foreseeing that he would 
be compelled to yield, requested at least that he might make 
the payment at different periods, as quarterly additions to 
his tribute. 

Hastings replied, that the whole sum must be paid on a 
certain day. The rajah, forced to obey, paid the sum de- 
manded, but declared that he regarded this extortion as a 
violation of the treaty, and that it must not serve as a rule 
for the future. 

The same demand, however, was made the next year, 
which was paid by the unfortunate rajah, after again protest- 
ing against the violation of the treaty. A third payment 
was also levied, but this time the indignant rajah did not 
yield until Benares was beset by the British troops. 

Shortly afterwards, Hastings made a requisition for a 
thousand cavalry soldiers. Cheit-Sing answered that he 
did not possess but thirteen hundred horses in all ; that he 
could not spare more than five hundred, but would furnish 
a body of live hundred infantry. 

" My patience," says Hastings, " is now exhausted. I 
find that my demands are never fully complied with." 

" This language," says Fox, " is certainly very remark- 
able, and unequalled in impudence. When we consider 
the facts, the violation of treaties by the same man who 
made them, and find the rajah year after year granting 
what was so unjustly demanded, and when we hear Hast- 
ings say that his patience was exhausted because the ra- 
jah refused to send a thousand cavalry when he owned 
only thirteen hundred horses, what shall we say to his re- 
marks : ! I then resolved to turn these frequent refusals to 
the advantage of the company !' " 

Never was there a more horrid idea than that of pun- 
ishing a man, not to serve as an example, but for the ad- 
vantages of a company. Hastings then resolved to demand 
fifty lacks of rupees of Cheit-Sing on account of his fre- 
quent refusals, and in order that nothing might be wanting 



106 THE INDIES. 

to the odious character of this tyranny, he went himself to 
Benares with all the pomp of a conqueror, and obliged 
Cheit-Sing to pay the expenses of the journey. 

Having taken possession of Benares, he levied enormous 
contributions on the country, which was already impover- 
ished by English rapacity. Finally, Cheit-Sing, finding 
that his former concessions had only excited the rapacity 
of the governor-general, attempted to resist. But it was 
too late j his palace was attacked by the English troops, 
was pillaged, and he was arrested and dethroned. 

Derbege-Sing, who took the place of the dethroned rajah, 
soon found that he had accepted a place which was ruinous, 
and that the wealth of the throne was not sufficient to meet 
the constant demands upon him. But with Hastings it 
was necessary to pay or be deposed. Derbege-Sing was 
displaced and imprisoned, and the administration of affairs 
was intrusted to Jagher-Deo-Seo. The latter, warned by 
the example of his two predecessors, tried in every mode 
to fill the British treasury. The country was loaded with 
taxes in every form, or rather it was subjected to robberies 
which ruined most of the people. The tax-gatherer was ac- 
companied by the executioner, and inhuman cruelties were 
perpetrated upon those inhabitants who refused to give up 
the last remnant of their fortune. 

Jagher executed all the wishes of Hastings, when the 
latter returned to Calcutta, persuaded that he had found a 
tributary who understood him. 

Some, however, of the council of Calcutta, began to find 
the tyranny of Warren Hastings intolerable. This council, 
as we have already seen, was composed of five members, 
including their president, the governor-general. Three of 
its members, Clavering, Monson, and Francis, remonstrated 
to Hastings, and resolved to oppose the oppression of the 
Hindoos as far as possible. They soon had occasion to 
attack him. 

After the death of the Nabob of Oude, the regency and 



THE INDIES. 107 

the tutelage of young AzorT-ul-Doulah was disputed by 
several of his relatives. This regency had the right of 
superintendence over all the property of the nabob, under 
the express condition that a faithful account of it should 
be given to the supreme council at Calcutta. The regency 
was given, by the influence of Hastings, to the begum or 
widow. But the council soon discovered, that in the ac- 
counts of the regent there was a sum of 970,000 rupees 
unaccounted for. On being questioned on this point her 
replies were evasive, but she finally admitted that she had 
paid the governor 150,000 rupees, and the same sum to his 
secretary. 

About this time another accusation was made. The 
collector of the district of Hoagly had paid 72,000 rupees. 
Of this sum he gave 36,000 to Hastings, and 4,000 to his 
secretary. The council of Calcutta resolved to follow up 
this affair, and ordered a complaint to be laid against Hast- 
ings ; but the governor-general opposed it, and declared 
that he would permit no inquiry in regard to it. A majority 
of the council were opposed to him ; but he would not 
abide by its decisions, and a scandalous collision thus oc- 
curred between the agents of the government, added to the 
disorders of the country. A new accuser, however, now 
appeared, whose rank and importance rendered the position 
of Hastings more difficult, and the opposition of the council 
more powerful. It will be remembered that Jaffier-Ali- 
Khan, on his death-bed, had recommended his son to take 
the rajah Nundcomar for his prime minister. The latter 
had been discarded by the English, and since that time he 
constantly opposed foreign oppression, and was quietly 
exciting the Hindoos to throw oft' the British yoke. Un- 
derstanding, however, that his efforts were useless, he 
undertook to attack the English through the channel of the 
law, and to profit by their rapacity and jealousies. He 
was aware that he should be supported by members of the 
council, and the bold rapacity of the governor-general sup- 



108 THE INDIES. 

plied testimony for accusation. He accused Hastings of 
having received large sums of money from Reza Khan and 
Shitab Roy, to admit their innocence, after having kept 
them imprisoned for a long time, and under false pretences. 
He offered also to prove that Hastings had received 354,000 
rupees for nominating the begum of Oude to the regency. 

Such formal accusations, on the part of a man occu- 
pying so high a station as Nundcomar, produced a great 
sensation, and he was called upon to testify before the 
council. Hastings was extremely indignant, and protested 
that he would not suffer his accuser to be examined before 
a council of which he was president. The majority per- 
sisted. The governor exclaimed against the audacity of 
his colleagues, and dissolved the session; but they paid no 
attention to his threats. He then withdrew, protested 
against all that should be done in his absence, and he was 
followed by Barwell, who was the fifth member, and was 
always devoted to the governor. 

The examination, however, continued. Nundcomar sus- 
tained his assertions, brought forward his proofs, and like- 
wise stated the sums which he himself had paid Hastings, 
in his capacity of receiver of the province of Hougley. It 
appeared from his deposition that the begum had paid 
Hastings two lacks of rupees. 

The council now ordered Hastings to return the sums 
he had unjustly received. The accused refused to answer. 

Instead of entering into explanations in regard to the 
charges against him, he adopted a different course, and 
became himself an accuser. A criminal prosecution was 
commenced by him against Nundcomar, for forcing a man 
named Commaul-ad-Dien to write an injurious petition 
against several high English functionaries. In spite of the 
efforts of Hastings, Nundcomar was honorably acquitted. 

But he had to deal with an adversary who did not easily 
abandon his prey ; and things had come to a point where 
Hastings must lose his government, or Nundcomar must be 



THE INDIES. 109 

put down. A few days after his acquittal, Nundcomar was 
arrested on the complaint of a native, and thrown into 
prison on a false accusation. It was remarkable that the 
pretended crime had been committed five years before, 
and nothing was heard of a prosecution until Nundcomar 
pointed out the defalcations of the governor-general. To 
crown the iniquity, an English jury was summoned for the 
first time to decide upon a transaction which occurred be- 
tween two Hindoos. The judge of the court, Sir Elijah 
Impey, was as infamous as the governor-general. There 
was but one witness, the accuser, whose testimony was 
extremely suspicious. President Impey attempted to prove 
that his testimony was worthy of belief; made himself the 
officious advocate of a man generally despised, and partly 
by persuasion, partly by threats, obtained a verdict of 
guilty from the jury. The rajah was condemned to be 
hung. This decision terrified the Hindoos. They found 
that no one of them could accuse their powerful oppressors 
with impunity ; that even a rajah did not escape. But 
Nundcomar supported his fate with admirable firmness. 
He walked to the place of execution with a calm and re- 
signed air, while his countrymen uttered cries of rage and 
despair. 

When this judgment and condemnation were known in 
London, there was a general cry of indignation from the 
ranks of the opposition in parliament. A formal accusa- 
tion against Sir Elijah Impey was introduced by Sir Gil- 
bert Elliott, and was zealously supported by Fox. " I 
cannot read the details of this affair," says this celebrated 
orator, " without feeling that Sir Elijah Impey is guilty 
of wilful murder. He is not only guilty of murder, but, 
by aiding in the vengeance of Hastings, he becomes the 
accomplice of his peculations. In fact, it seems to me 
that there was a perfect understanding between the judge 
and the governor ; and in this case I think that the indivi- 
dual must have been murdered from corrupt motives." 
10 



110 THE INDIES. 

It should be remembered that the quarrel between Hast- 
ings and Nundcomar occurred but a few days before the 
trial took place ; that the division was established, and 
that othf r intrigues had occurred between the people and 
the governor-general; that Sir Elijah Impey was openly 
the friend of Hastings, and was therefore a prejudiced 
man. Ought he, then, to have been a judge in this cause ? 
Notwithstanding the efforts of Fox, however, the crime of 
the prevaricating judge was sanctioned by the House. 

At the lime when the unjust sentence of Sir Elijah Im- 
pey relieved Hastings from his powerful accuser, the 
almost simultaneous death of two members of the council, 
Clavering and Monson,* left the governor-general absolute 
master of all deliberations. As the members of the coun- 
cil were named by the court of di London, Hast- 
ings was sure of a majority until theil successors arrived. 
He resolved to avail himself of the opportunity. 

First, he restored the regency of Oude to the widow, 
who had been deprived of it by order of the council, in 
consequence of peculations, in which Nundcomar accused 
Hastings of participating. The young nabob Asofi-ul- 
Doulah was only the vassal of the English governor, the 
instrument of his exactions, the apologist of his tyrannies. 
Enormous contributions were imposed on the province, and 
tax gatherers overran the country, accompanied by soldiers, 
who plundered the inhabitants of the little which was left 
by the former. 

The misfortunes of the inhabitants were nearly at their 
height, when, to add to his riches, Hastings farmed out the 
revenues to sub-agents. The latter wished to profit by the 
position which they had paid for, and protected, encour- 
aged, and countenanced by the British forces, committed 
unheard-of cruelties. Their imaginations were racked to 
invent new tortures, to extort money from those who had 
already been despoiled to the utmost ; and, in the expres- 
* Could they have been taken off by poison ? 



THE INDIES. Ill 

sive language of Burke, they " coined money with human 
flesh." . 

Among the agents of Hastings, the most infamous was 
Devi-Sing. His excesses were so outrageous, that in or- 
der not to be taxed with exaggeration, we will quote the 
language used by Burke in the House of Lords when he 
accused Hastings. 

" First, Devi-Sing used a kind of pillory, which, among 
the Hindoos, is more cruel than death, because they lose 
their caste. Those who have been disgraced by this pil- 
lory, justly or unjustly, are excommunicated, and disowned 
by their tribe, cast off by their relatives, and are obliged to 
take refuge among the excommunicated. Contagion, lep- 
rosy, and plague are not so much shunned. This pillory 
is a bullock with drums beating before him, and the Hindoo 
who has once been on his back is dishonored and degraded 
for ever. Devi-Sing marched this animal through the villa- 
ges ; when he approached all the inhabitants fled, and the 
terror was so general, that an Englishman once travelled 
fifteen miles and saw no lire, nor light in any house. 
The poor ryotts or laborers were treated with an atrocity ab- 
solutely incredible, were it not supported by authentic docu- 
ments. When all their resources were exhausted, they 
were imprisoned, and purchased their liberty by signing 
notes. These notes, which were far beyond their resources, 
were mercilessly exacted ; their goods were sold at a low 
price, and purchased by Devi-Sing himself. Instances 
there are, when all other things failing, the farmers were 
dragged from the court to their houses, in order to see them 
first plundered, and then burnt down before their faces. 
The peasants were left little else than their families and 
their bodies. The most tender of parents sold their chil- 
dren, the most fondly jealous of husbands sold their wives. 

" I come now," said Mr. Burke, " to the last stage of 
their miseries. Everything visible and vendible was seized 
and sold. Debe-Sing suspected that the country people 






112 THE INDIES. 

had purloined from their own estates some small reserve of 
their own grain to maintain themselves for the unproductive 
months of the year, and to leave some hope for a future 
season. These hoards, real or supposed, not being dis- 
covered by menaces and imprisonment, they fell on the na- 
ked bodies of the people. They began by winding cords 
round the fingers of the unhappy freeholders of these pro- 
vinces, until they clung to, and were almost incorporated 
with one another ; and then they hammered wedges of iron 
between them, until, regardless of the cries of the sufferers, 
they had bruised to pieces and for ever crippled their poor 
innocent and laborious hands. The most substantial and 
leading yeomen, then responsible farmers, were tied two 
and two by the legs together ; and their tormentors throw- 
ing them with their heads downward over a bar, beat them 
on the soles of the feet with the ratans, until the nails fell 
from the toes ; and then attacking them at their heads as 
they hung downward, they beat them with sticks and other 
instruments of blind fury, until the blood gushed out at their 
eyes, noses, and mouths. Sometimes they used whips 
made of the branches of the bale-troe, a tree full of sharp 
and strong thorns, which tear the skin and lacerate the flesh 
far worse than ordinary scourges. For others, they made 
use of a plant highly caustic and poisonous, called becchet- 
ten, every wound of which festers and gangrenes, adds 
double and treble to the present torture, and often ends in 
the destruction of life itself. At night these poor innocent 
sufferers were brought into dungeons, and in the season 
when nature takes refuge in insensibility from all the mis- 
eries and cares which wait on life, they were three times 
scourged and made to reckon the watches of the night by 
periods and intervals of torment. They were then led out 
before the break of day, and plunged into water, and whilst 
their jaws clung together with cold, and their bodies were 
rendered infinitely more sensible, the blows and stripes 
were renewed upon their backs ; and then delivering them 



THE INDIES. 113 

over to soldiers, they were sent into their farms and villa- 
ges to discover where a few handfuls of grain might be 
concealed. After this circuit of the day through their plun- 
dered and ruined villages, they were remanded at night to 
the same prison ; whipped as before at their return to the 
dungeon, and at morning whipped at leaving it. 

"But there are persons whose fortitude could bear their 
own suffering ; these were assaulted on the side of their 
sympathy. Children were scourged almost to death in the 
presence of their parents. The son and father were bound 
close together face to face, and body to body, and in that 
situation cruelly lashed together, so that the blow which 
escaped the father fell on the son, wounding him over the 
back of the parent. The circumstances were combined by 
so subtle a cruelty, that every stroke which did not excru- 
ciate the sense, should wound and lacerate the sentiments 
and affections of nature. 

" On the same principle, and for the same ends, virgins 
who had never seen the sun were dragged from the inmost 
sanctuaries of their houses ; and in the open court of jus- 
tice, in the very place where security was to be sought 
against all wrong and all violence, those virgins, vainly in- 
voking Heaven and earth, in the presence of their parents, 
and whilst their shrieks were mingled with the indignant 
cries and groans of all the people, were publicly violated 
by the lowest and wretchedest of the human race. Wives 
were torn from the arms of their husbands and suffered the 
same flagitious wrongs, which indeed were hid in the bot- 
toms of the dungeons, in which their honor and their liberty 
were buried together. Often they were taken out of the 
refuge of this consoling gloom, stripped naked, and thus ex- 
posed to the world, and then cruelly scourged, and in order 
that cruelty might riot in all the circumstances that melt into 
tenderness the fiercest natures, the nipples of their breasts 
were put between the sharp and elastic sides of sharp bam- 
boos. Here, in my hand, is my authority, for otherwise 

10* 



114 THE INDIES. 

one would think it incredible. But it did not end there. 
Growing from crime to crime, ripened by cruelty for cru- 
elty, these fiends at length, outraging sex, decency, and na- 
ture, applied lighted torches and slow fire ; those infernal 
furies planted death in the source of life, and where that 
modesty which, more than reason, distinguishes men from 
beasts, retires from the view, and even shrinks from the 
expression, there they exercised and glutted their unnatu- 
ral, monstrous, and nefarious cruelty — there, where the 
reverence of nature and the sanctity of justice dares not to 
pursue, nor venture to describe their practices." 

These acts which were accomplished under the patron- 
age of the British government, were attended with the ex- 
pected results. The principal parts of the province of 
Oude rebelled, and the enraged Hindoos swore to expel the 
foreigners. All the country near the mountains was in 
arms ; but the centre of the insurrection was the city of 
Fyzabad, which was under the immediate authority of the 
begum, the mother and grand-mother of the nabob. These 
princesses possessed immense treasures, and extensive do- 
mains left to them by Sujah-ul-Doulah. Hastings saw the 
advantage to be derived from the rebellion which he had 
excited. Profiting by the weakness of Asoff-ul-Douiah, 
who was devoted to the English, while his subjects were 
contending against their tyranny, he made him an accom- 
plice of his projects against the begums, armed the son 
against the mother, and concealed his own crime, while the 
nabob bore most of the infamy. 

A vast conspiracy was then hatched up by order of the 
governor-general. The two begums were accused of wish- 
ing to depose their son, and to exterminate the whole Brit- 
ish nation. There was an abundance of proof, and an Eng- 
lish magistrate pursued this unjust process, by exciting the 
accusation, and encouraging the informers. 

From persuasion or terror, the nabob showed himself as 
unworthy as the masters under whose direction he acted 



THE INDIES. 115 

A treaty was secretly concluded, by which Hastings au- 
thorized him to confiscale to his profit, all the country left 
by his father to the widows. The English knew that these 
domains would soon pass into their own hands. 

For a moment, however, he seemed to repent of his 
guilty connivance, and, as if to excuse himself in his own 
eyes, he proposed to leave his mother this property, offer- 
ing to pay the English from his own treasures. This sin- 
gular transaction was joyfully accepted by Hastings, who 
promised himself to take, at a later period, what he had lost 
by the tardy remorse of Asoff-ul-Doulah. The nabob had 
also stipulated that the widows should receive a pension 
equal to the amount of their revenues. Like all weak 
minds, he concealed the evil which he was perpetrating 
under the hypocritical veil of compensations. 

The scruples of the nabob, however, were of slight im- 
portance to the governor-general ; he only wished the ac- 
quiescence of this prince in order to hasten the insurrec- 
tion. 

It was difficult for the begums to resist the English pow- 
er, aided by the authority of the nabob. Protesting their 
innocence, and disavowing the imaginary conspiracy of 
which they were accused, they opened the gates of Fyza- 
bad, and delivered themselves into the hands of Hastings. 
He was unmoved by this appeal to his generosity j their 
riches condemned them. 

While confined in their palace under a guard of Sepoys, 
they were insulted in order to compel them to open rebel- 
lion. The pension fixed for their support was soon redu- 
ced, and finally they were deprived of the necessaries of 
life. Pressed by famine and despair, they deceived the 
vigilance of their guards, left their apartments, and in a state 
the most abject and humiliating, for females of their rank, 
they ran into the public square. The Hindoos, surprised 
and indignant, wept in silence to see these unfortunate prin- 
cesses, when the English soldiers seized them brutally, 



: 



116 THE INDIKS. 

carried them to the harem, and there chastised them like 
slaves. The widow and mother of Sujah-ul-Doulah, the 
faithful ally of the English, were beaten with a club. 
Hastings had already taken possession of their treasures. 
Soon after, notwithstanding the promises made to the na- 
bob, he took possession of their territory. 

He, however, took care to give his robberies a semblance 
of law. The magistrate who had condemned Nundcomar, 
Sir Elijah Impey, was ordered to Fyzabad, to try the be-- 
gums; and although it was proved that they knew nothing 
of the insurrection, the accommodating judge ordered all 
their property to be confiscated. This had already been 
done, but it became still more odious from its judicial sanc- 
tion. " Thus," said Sheridan, " it was not sufficient to 
convert the sword of power into the poignard of a murderer, 
but even the ermine of justice must be sullied by corrup- 
tion." The recital, however, of so many crimes had exci- 
ted public attention in England. The complaints of the 
Hindoos were re-echoed in the debates of parliament ; the 
restless minds of men were uneasy, and the leaders of the 
opposition resolved to put an end to iheie scandalous ini- 
quities, and to punish with the severity of the law the cruel 
pro-consul. Burke, Fox, and Sheridan were the principal 
accusers. Commissions were instituted, inquests ordered ; 
but the government, reluctant to expose the tyranny of its 
agents, interposed many impediments, and opposed the ac- 
cusers, sometimes by a proud silence, and sometimes by 
denying the truth of the accusations. Two years passed 
in vain attacks and barren recriminations. Finally, on the 
30th of July, 1784, Burke proposed that the house should 
form a committee to examine the facts relative to the gov- 
ernment of India. Pitt, who was then prime minister, had 
begun imperceptibly to swerve from those political princi- 
ples, which he had ardently defended at the commencement 
of his parliamentary career. This fanatical leader of re- 
form had found the Whigs too exalted, and without daring 



THE INDIES. 117 

to become the official defender of Hastings, he proposed to 
proceed to the order of the day. 

Burke's reply was brilliant and spirited. " Which one 
of us is not indignant," said he, " at the cold indifference 
of the government 1 Does it not sanction guilt, and does 
it not avow itself the accomplice of all the crimes commit- 
ted by guilty functionaries ? For my part, I deplore the 
fatal day when so many horrors have been unveiled, and 
justice is sought' for in vain. I am constantly thinking of 
desolate cities, depopulated provinces, and nations extin- 
guished by the monstrous abuse of a power which we have 
countenanced. The cries of the unhappy Hindoos resound 
in my ears, and my nights are disturbed by their bloody 
images. 

" The reality of the accusation is denied. Why not 
then discuss it ? Oh, how thankful should I be to find that 
these scenes of horror are fictitious. For me, this discov- 
ery would be more precious than that of a new world, and 
1 would bless those who could efface from my country that 
spot of infamy. I conjure the government, then, to insti- 
tute this inquiry ; when the blood of the Hindoos cries out 
and demands justice, I am astonished to find our prime min- 
ister so coldly indifferent, and at an age, too, when all the 
generous feelings of our nature usually predominate." 

At these words, the orator was interrupted by the mur- 
murs of the ministerial party ; his indignation increased, 
and his accusations against Pitt became so vehement that 
he was called to order, and was obliged to take his seat in 
the midst of a violent tumult. 

Although parliament showed little disposition to do jus- 
tice, public opinion had been so strongly excited by accu- 
sations, that the governor-general was recalled, and the of- 
fice was filled by Lord Cornwallis. 

The day that Hastings landed on the coast of England, 
June 20, 1785, Burke renewed his accusation ; but as the 
session of parliament was far advanced, he announced to 



118 THK INDIES. 

the house that at the beginning of the next session he 
should move for an investigation into the conduct of the ex- 
governor-general. 

In fact, on the 4th of April following, (1786,) the inde- 
fatigable accuser rose and made a long harangue, wherein 
all the crimes of Hastings were included in twenty-two 
charges. 

At this time Pitt thought himself too weak to be silent 
with regard to the truth, and was obliged to accept a debate 
which he had so long avoided, but resolved to avail himself 
of this discussion to distract the attention of the public from 
other questions of public policy. Ever since the American 
war the parliament had resounded with the cry of reform, 
and the press had vigorously attacked the system of elec- 
tions. Pitt flattered himself that this question would be 
forgotten, so long as the trial of Hastings continued, and 
reforms of law and the influences of his position would en- 
able him to continue it a long time. 

In fact, as every charge of the accusation was to be pre- 
sented by different orators, it would become the subject of 
special deliberation and vote, which would prolong the pre- 
liminary proceedings for a whole year. The debates were 
very brilliant ; the most eloquent orators in the opposition 
took part in them ; Burke stated the facts, in regard to the 
war of the Rohillas and the rajah of Benares ; Sheridan 
mentioned the cruelties perpetrated on the nabob and the 
widow of Oude ; Sir James Erskine stated the peculations 
of Hastings generally, and Sir Francis, one of Hastings' 
colleagues in the supreme councils of Calcutta, gave the 
weight of his testimony in regard to the spoliation of the 
Zemindars. Finally, on the 10th of May, 1787, the House 
decided that Warren Hastings, Ex-Governor-General of 
Bengal, should be impeached ; the next day Burke appear- 
ed at the bar of the House of Lords, and there, in the name 
of the House of Commons and all the commons of Great 



THE INDIES. 119 

Britain, he accused Hastings of misconduct and of crimes 
in the discharge of his duties. 

The 21st of May, Hastings was brought to the bar of the 
House of Lords by the sergeant-at-arms, but on motion of 
the lord-chancellor he was liberated, and was ordered to 
answer in writing to the accusation in a month, or two days 
after the opening of the next session of parliament. 

Although the ministry had defended Hastings in a weak 
manner, it was seen that they were more interested in the 
accused than they wished to admit. All the facts of which 
they accused the governor-general, were so much in accord- 
ance with the habitual policy of the cabinet, that the men 
who resembled them had little to fear from their hostility. 
But these men were too much occupied in defending their 
own crimes, and therefore presented secret obstacles to 
the accusers ; they were thus guilty of double hypocrisy ; 
they censured the governor openly, but winked at his vil- 
lany in secret. 

Their influence, however, was seen in the constant de- 
lays to which the accusers were subjected, and the ends of 
justice defeated. 

Finally, the debates commenced on the 13th of February, 
1788. Burke gave a general exposition of all the charges, 
and his magnificent address, which continued for four days, 
caused vivid emotions in the public mind. 

On the 22d February, the robbery of Benares was stated 
by Fox, and an abstract of this odious affair was presented 
by Lord Grey, who then commenced his political career. 

On the 15th April, the charges in relation to the begums 
of Oude were detailed by Sheridan, who spoke for five suc- 
cessive days, and in terms of the most impassioned elo- 
quence. 

The impression produced by these able orators upon the 
judges and people was so powerful, that Pitt was alarmed ; 
he wished to use Hastings to divert the attention of restless 
spirits from other things, but he was not disposed to sacri- 



120 THE INDIES. 

fice a man whose principles accorded so well with his own. 
The lords were privately requested to meet less frequently 
as a court of justice, and the session closed, after a few 
trivial debates. 

In 1789 the trial did not advance one step. In 1790, 
the House of Lords had only thirteen sittings as a court of 
justice. The public, who were first indignant and impatient, 
now became indifferent ; the accused was at liberty ; his 
crimes seemed forgotten, and punishment, so long deferred, 
became impossible. At the end of two years, the proofs 
and depositions of the first three charges only had been 
taken, and at this rate it was easily seen that the trial would 
occupy a whole lifetime. Farther, by one of those reac- 
tions common on such occasions, sympathy was excited 
for the accused, who was kept so long in a state of cruel 
suspense. Justice seemed like persecution ; the ministry 
carefully extended these rumors, and the accusers were 
blamed for the delays caused by ministers. 

The ministry soon had an opportunity of defending their 
protege openly, on a question which might arrest the pro- 
gress of the trial. 

Parliament had been dissolved in June, 1790. On the 
opening of the new House, Burke introduced a motion to 
resume the accusation of Hastings, but the ministerial 
speakers, supported by all the lawyers in the House of 
Commons, maintained that, by the dissolution of the houses 
of parliament, the accusation was annulled. Erskine sus- 
tained this opinion with all his talent, and his opinion in 
the case would seem to be decisive. 

The debates were animated, for the question was a seri- 
ous one, and implicated one of the most important preroga- 
tives of the House. The speaker rose to express his opin- 
ion, which was seldom given, except upon most solemn oc- 
casions. "If the opinions of the lawyers should be adopted," 
said he, " it would be easy to point out all the dangers of 
them. The accusation of a guilty minister could always 



THE INDIES. 121 

be defeated by the insidious interposition of the royal pre- 
rogative. According to the spirit of the constitution, and 
to the forms adopted by parliament, the accusation is pre- 
sented not only by the House of Commons, but by all the 
commons of England ; and in an accusation, the members, 
of parliament should be considered only as the agents and 
advocates of the whole people. Thus, then, when parlia- 
ment is dissolved, the new parliament, although it has dis- 
cretionary power to suspend the action if it is not founded 
on justice, has nevertheless the right to continue it, if it 
thinks proper. Considering the accusation which had been 
made, no one would imagine that twenty-two articles, each 
including various and complex facts, could be discussed 
and proved in a single session. Now if, in accordance 
with the spirit of the old constitution, the parliaments were 
annual, it is evident that no trial of any importance could 
be legally brought to a close." 

After these preliminary remarks, the speaker cited all 
the precedents in favor of his opinion, and the house deci- 
ded in his favor. 

The same subject was discussed in the House of 
Lords, and the Lord Chancellor endeavored by every sub- 
terfuge to quash the accusation. On taking the vote, the 
result was the same as in the house, and the Lords notified 
the Commons officially that they were ready to proceed 
with the trial. Much time had been lost, however, in these 
debates, and the session closed without making any pro- 
gress in the cause. 

A new and unexpected occurrence now gave the accused 
another chance of escape, and excited indignation against 
his principal accuser. Burke, so long one of the most elo- 
quent leaders of the opposition, the friend of Fox, and the 
protector of the Irish, had betrayed his party, his friends, 
and his country. Purchased by the ministry, and devoted 
to Pitt, whom he had formerly opposed so violently, he for- 
got all that had passed, and exhibited neither the same 

11 



122 THE INDIES. 

honesty or zeal in the trial of Hastings. This celebrated 
cause, which had so long occupied the attention of all Eu- 
rope, progressed slowly and uninterestingly ; the great of- 
fender enjoyed quietly the fruits of his exactions, and the 
voice of a cruelly persecuted people was raised in vain. 

Five years passed in this state of uncertainty. The 
judges were assembled irregularly, forgot their former de- 
cisions, and conducted their deliberations with neither or- 
der nor unity ; the members of the House of Commons, 
who acted as accusers, were discouraged by these methodi- 
cal delays ; they were weakened by internal divisions, and 
were full of resentment toward that talented but corrupt 
leader, whose eloquence had guided, but whose venality 
had betrayed them. 

Hastings played his part skilfully. Connected with 
most of the judges by his rank, his wealth, and his habits, 
he was constantly on the alert to defeat the ends of justice. 
In order to secure his acquittal, he made splendid presents 
to the Queen, extending his corruption even to the steps of 
the throne, and thus procured from the court a powerful 
protection equivalent to a scandalous impunity. Finally, 
on the 17th of April, 1795, seven years after the commence- 
ment of the trial, the House of Lords pronounced judgment. 
Of four hundred Peers, there were but twenty-nine present, 
and the accused was solemnly acquitted. 

There was nothing wanting to the iniquity of this trial, 
neither the treachery of the principal accuser, the corrup- 
tion of the judges, nor the impunity of the accused. It was 
a tedious mockery, and an insult to justice. To add to the 
bitterness of the affront, the East India Company loaded 
with riches and honor, him who had just escaped the ven- 
geance of the laws. They gave him an annual pension of 
four thousand pounds sterling, paying up the arrearages for 
twenty-eight years, and handed him immediately one hun- 
dred and fourteen thousand pounds. By rewarding the acts 
which led to his accusation, they became partakers in his 



THE INDIES. 123 

crimes. Morality might justly be indignant at this impu- 
dent ovation, but the servants of the company were duly 
notified that their path to honor was through immense 
crimes. 

VI. HYDER ALI AND TIPPOO SULTAN. 

So long as the French colony at Pondicherry was pow- 
erful and flourishing, the English at Madras remained with- 
out influence in the inland countries of that vast peninsula, 
included between the coast of Coromandel, and the borders 
of Malabar. But when the mistakes of Lally had opened to 
them the gates of Pondicherry, they concluded to extend 
their power over the adjacent fertile countries, and to take 
advantage of the weakness of the native chiefs whom their 
disinterested rivals had respected. The prodigious success 
of their countrymen in Bengal had excited their ardor, and 
the Governor of Madras wished to attain the same riches 
and power as the Governors of Calcutta. But a vast em- 
pire was founded near them, whose enterprising leader pre- 
sented serious obstacles to their ambition, and gave new 
opportunities for the development of their perfidious in- 
stincts. 

Hyder AH had, by his talents, formed in the peninsula a 
vast kingdom, the capital of which was the ancient province 
of Mysore. We have already alluded to the rivalries in 
birth and religion which separated the Mussulmen from the 
Hindoos. 

After the battle of the 20th of May, 1740, the power of 
the former had decreased, and the kingdoms of Mysore, 
Canara, Tanjaour, and Calicut, of Villapour, and many 
others, had returned under the government of the rajah. 
Hyder Ali, as fanatical as he was ambitious, summoned 
around him all the Mohammedans, and availed himself of the 
interests of Islamism to increase his power. 

Having first conquered Mysore, he left the rajah his title, 



124 THE INDIES. 

and disdaining useless cruelties, he confined him in a fort- 
ress. He then attacked the kingdoms of Canary, Calicut, 
Tanjaour, and Villapour, and placed under Mussulman rule 
all those countries which, after the Persian invasion, had 
fallen into the power of the Hindoo rajahs. The powerful 
confederation of the Mahrattas alone preserved its indepen- 
dence and ancient faith. But from the frontiers of this war- 
like people to Cape Comorin, there was space enough to 
satisfy the desires of a vast ambition, and Hyder Ali, elated 
by his triumphs, attempted to bring together the scattered 
ruins of the empire of Aurengzeyb. 

But the coast of Coromandel was occupied by foreigners 
more formidable than the feeble rajahs. The English gov- 
ernment at Madras sought on their part to found a Europe- 
an empire of the same territory, which Hyder Ali wished 
to concentiate under the rule of the Mussulmen. The 
chief of Mysore had become acquainted with his neighbors, 
and had often had occasion to know their policy. A com- 
panion in arms of Bussy, he had shared in the successes 
and reverses of the French, and his hatred to the British, 
which had commenced in his battles with them, had in- 
creased in proportion as his conquests approximated the 
English establishments. 

The Governor of Madras, on his part, was aware of the 
danger arising from his powerful neighbors, and following 
their usual policy, the English attempted to corrupt the of- 
ficers of Hyder Ali, with a view to betray hin\. But the 
latter, knowing their skill in intrigue, resolvea to prevent 
them by open war ; he therefore proposed to the soubah of 
Deccan, and all the nabobs on the coast of Coromandel, to 
join in a general confederacy against the foreigners. " Let 
us lay aside," said he, " all our rivalries, and unite our for- 
ces against the common enemy. These English, who mere- 
ly come to trade, have robbed our country of its riches, its 
inhabitants, its fertility, and glory. They pretend to be 
merchants; they act like pirates. In exchange for our 






THE INDIES. 125 

wealth, they have brought to Hindostan their vices, their 
diseases, and their wretchedness. The princes whom cre- 
dulity or misfortune has placed in their power, have been 
treated as objects of trade, which are offered in the markets. 
These avaricious strangers have speculated upon the blood 
of our countrymen. The number of their treasons and per- 
juries is equal to that of their treaties and agreements/' 

There was much truth in these remarks, and they made 
an impression. The soubah of Deccan and the small na- 
bobs joined Hyder Ali, with an army of one hundred thou- 
sand men. The other chiefs also joined him, and he soon 
found himself at the head of an army of two hundred thou- 
sand men. The English were furced to abandon all dis- 
simulation, and to collect their troops from their different 
possessions. They amounted to ninety thousand men, most 
of whom were European soldiers and Sepoys. The troops 
of the allies of the English company numbered twenty 
thousand men. 

' The English, notwithstanding all the advantage of Euro- 
pean discipline, were obliged to evacuate the city of Cava- 
ripatnam, to retreat before the forces of Hyder Ali, and to 
entrench themselves in the mountains, where his cavalry 
could not penetrate. Encouraged by his success, the Mus- 
sulman chiefs attempted to dislodge them, and a general 
engagement took place near Trincomaly. But the English 
had a double advantage of position and tactics. The nu- 
merous Indian cavalry were obliged to remain motionless 
before the English artillery, and notwithstanding his unpar- 
alleled efforts, Hyder Ali was obliged to retreat, leaving 
his enemies a part of his artillery, and a great number of 
prisoners. 

However, he was not discouraged, but, instructed by mis- 
fortune, he took every care to avoid a general action, by 
attacking detached portions, and intercepting convoys. He 
soon reobtained his advantage by his prudence ; he carried 
the war into the enemies' country ; he invaded the Carnatic, 
11* 



126 THE INDIES. 

and the English were obliged to leave the possessions of 
Hyder Ali, and attend to their own. 

The chief of Mysore had already advanced till within 
seven leagues of Madras 5 the English were preparing to 
dispute with him the passage of the river St. Thomas, when 
he suddenly disappeared, and before his line of march could 
be discovered, he appeared at the gates of the city, and 
dictated terms of peace to the British councils, April 3d, 
1769. 

It was the first time that an Indian chief had triumphed 
over the British forces, and the government was obliged to 
regain by intrigue the advantages they had lost in war. 
Compelled to lay aside their arms, they used the arms of 
others for their plans, and whilst signing a peace, without 
risk to themselves, they excited new enemies against Hy- 
der Ali. 

The Mahrattas, who alone of all the Hindoos had resist- 
ed the Mussulmen, formed a vast confederacy of fierce and 
warlike people on the frontiers of the empire of Mysore. 
The agents of the British went among them, and excited 
the chiefs by presents, and the people by persuasion, to 
take up arms against the enemy of their religion. The 
territory of Mysore was suddenly invaded ; Hyder Ali was 
surprised and beaten some distance from Bednore, its capi- 
tal, into which he was compelled to retire. But the Mah- 
rattas were ignorant of the art of sieges : and accustomed 
to live by pillage, they were deficient in the provisions ne- 
cessary for a long campaign. They were soon obliged to 
leave a country which had been entirely desolated, and the 
famine which they had caused became the auxiliary of 
Hyder Ali. 

Having returned to their mountains, they thought no more 
of war until again excited by the agents of the English 
But the chief of Mysore was on his guard, and the campaign 
passed off in irregular attacks, with no decisive advantage 
for either of the rivals. 



THE INDIES. 127 

Hyder Ali, however, knew the source of hostilities, and 
resolved to strike directly at those perfidious enemies who 
attacked him in secret. He held conference with the chiefs 
of the Mahrattas, and persuaded them that the true inter- 
est of the natives was to expel the foreigners, and offered 
them his gold and his forces to attack the common enemy. 
The soubah of Deccan and the rajah of Berar joined the 
confederates. Never had the English power been so seri- 
ously threatened. It was agreed that the soubah and Hy- 
der Ali should attack the Carnatic, that the forces of the 
Mahrattas should attack Surat and Guzarat, and that the ra- 
jah of Berar should invade the provinces of Bengal. 

The war of American Independence commenced at this 
time, and Pondicherry being suddenly attacked by the Eng- 
lish, was captured and dismantled. The misfortunes of the 
French deprived Hyder Ali of his most powerful aid, for 
he could not depend upon his Indian allies. 

In fact, the councils of Madras and Calcutta despaired of 
conquering the confederation, and attempted to weaken it 
by intrigue. The Mahrattas, who were always avaricious, 
could not resist the power of corruption ; the soubah of 
Deccan, jealous of Hyder Ali, and fearing his aggrandize- 
ment, was easily seduced ; the rajahs were distrustful of 
the chief of the Mussulmen. Hyder Ali was soon aban- 
doned by his allies, and was obliged to contend single 
handed against the united forces of the governments of 
Madras and Bengal. 

The English company, however, depended so much upon 
the efficacy of their intrigues, that they neglected an enemy 
whom they supposed to be conquered, and the army of 
Mysore suddenly appeared in the Carnatic, marking its 
course by fire and desolation. The English were twice 
beaten before Arcot, the capital of the Carnatic, and the 
city, after a siege of a few days, fell into the hands of Hy- 
der Ali. This skilful warrior profited by his successes, 
excited in every part the hatred of the population against 



128 THE INDIES. 

the English, and proclaimed himself, in his march, the 
saviour and avenger of Hindostan. 

The English were alarmed at his progress, and collected 
their troops from Bengal, and by their discipline soon ar- 
rested the progress of their formidable enemy. Hyder Ali, 
however, although beaten in several engagements, still had 
immense resources, and always rallied from victories which 
seemed decisive. His son Tippoo had routed General 
Matthews on the coast of Malabar, and Madras was again 
threatened. But the Mahrattas, excited by the English, 
armed themselves openly against the chief of Mysore; the 
rajahs also joined them ; Hyder Ali suddenly found himself 
surrounded with enemies, and the British troops, making a 
diversion into Malabar, invaded the rich provinces of Ca- 
nara. 

This sudden treason of his ancient allies caused Hyder 
Ali to retrace his steps, when he was about to give his 
enemies their death blow, and forced him to despair. A 
cruel disease, symptoms of which had appeared long before, 
advanced rapidly, and his death, on the 9th of December, 
1782, deprived Hindostan of the only man who could op- 
pose British intrigue successfully. 

Tippoo was at that time away from his father, fighting 
the English in the province of Tanjaour. Hyder Ali, un- 
able to express to his son in his dying accents his hatred 
against the English, left written instructions, which ex- 
pressed his political views, and his implacable resentment. 

" India," said he, " since the reign of Aurengzeyb, has 
lost its rank among the kingdoms of Asia ; this beautiful 
country is divided into provinces, which make war on each 
other, and the people are divided into many sects. The 
Hindoos, enfeebled by their pacific actions, cannot defend 
their territory, which daily becomes the spoil of the stran- 
ger ; the Mussulmen are more numerous and warlike than 
the feeble Hindoos, and to them will belong the glory of 
saving Hindostan. My son, use all your efforts for the tri- 



THE INDIES. 129 

umph of the Koran ; and if Heaven aids in this noble en- 
terprise, the day is not far distant, when the sword of Mo- 
hammed will place you on the throne of Temourlenk. 

" The greatest obstacle to be conquered, is the jealousy 
of the Europeans; the English are now all powerful in 
India ; they must be weakened by war. Hindostan cannot 
expel them from the territory they have invaded. Excite 
dissensions between the European nations, and by the aid 
of the French you can conquer the British." 

Tippoo swore to adopt the instructions of his father as 
his rule of policy. In fact, he had always been an ardent 
defender of the Mohammedan faith, and was devoted in his 
hatred against the English, which was soon increased by 
the odious attacks of his enemies. 

The English, on hearing of the death of Hyder Ali, and 
taking advantage of the absence of Tippoo, attempted to 
corrupt the leaders of the Indian army. But the prime 
minister of Hyder Ali, who had assumed the command, ar- 
rested two officers, who had communicated with the enemy, 
and their chastisement soon arrested the further progress 
of treason. General Matthews vainly attempted, by pom- 
pous proclamation, to excite the inhabitants of Mysore to 
revolt, but they all remained faithful to the son of Hyder 
Ali, who placed himself readily at the head of the empire, 
and assumed the title of Sultan, the better to confirm his 
power. 

The English, however, avenged themselves for the fideli- 
ty of the Indians, by a cruel war. Several cities of Mala- 
bar were pillaged and burned. Passing over the mountains 
which separate the province of Canara from the coast of 
Bombay, they laid waste this beautiful country, and cruelly 
massacred its timid population. 

General Matthews, while besieging Onor, learned that a 
part of the royal family were at Aumapore, a city built at 
the source of the river Tongebadra, whose waters washed 
the walls of Haider-Nagur ; a detachment was sent to sur- 



130 THE INDIES. 

prise this place, the capture of which promised a rich booty. 
The city was taken by assault, and the English committed 
acts of brutality and violence which even an obstinate re- 
sistance would not justify. The children of Tippoo, who 
were then at Aumapore, escaped the carnage, and crossed 
the river in a small boat ; they passed the whole day on 
the opposite bank, concealed amid the aloe-trees, and saw 
the conflagration, and the smoking ruins of the city they 
had left. Finally, under the escort of two boatmen, these 
young princes, and some females who accompanied them, 
took refuge in the fortress of Bengalore. 

After this exploit, General Matthews besieged Haider- 
Nagnr, which contained all the treasures of Tippoo. The 
commander of the place was obliged to capitulate, offered 
to give up to the English the fortress and the public pro- 
perty and treasures ; but he demanded a safe-guard for him- 
self and his family, and obtained a solemn promise that the 
inhabitants should be respected. The capitulation was 
signed, but immediately violated. The commander of the 
place was imprisoned, and the inhabitants were cut off by 
military executions. In every quarter the course of the 
English was marked by perjury. Burke says distinctly, 
" The company has never made a treaty which they have 
not broken." But this avarice, which rendered them so 
cruel, caused llicir destruction. Surrounded with riches, 
the English could not agree in regard to the division of 
the spoils -j the streets became the scenes of furious con- 
tests. .Many officers and soldiers abandoned the army, and 
those who remained were enfeebled by excesses. They 
encamped amid the ruins of the city, and were more occu- 
pied in watching each other, than in guarding against the 
enemy. Tippoo advanced by forced marches. He collect- 
ed in his course the dispersed inhabitants, and excited their 
hatred against the English ; he recounted their new outra- 
ges, and invited the Indians to revenge. Soon after his ar- 
rival in Canara, he surprised the British troops, while quar- 



THE INDIES. 131 

relling in regard to their booty, attacked and routed them. 
The English lost fifteen hundred men at the first attack ; 
they were routed in every part ; and embarrassed by their 
rich spoils, they left their artillery, and took refuge with 
their treasures in Haider-Nagur. All the other cities which 
were occupied by their troops opened their gates to Tippoo 
Sultan. Their only place of refuge was the city which 
they had devastated, and here they were suddenly besieged 
by the people whom they had robbed. Tippoo had com- 
mand of several French detachments, pressed the siege 
with activity, and in seventeen days the English, reduced 
to the most cruel extremities, and starving amid their ill- 
gotten wealth, demanded to capitulate. It was agreed that 
the garrison should lay down their arms, should restore the 
diamonds, jewellery, and silver which had been seized by 
General Matthews, and also the money which the English 
had extorted from the inhabitants. On these conditions 
Tippoo Sultan engaged to furnish provisions and vehicles 
necessary to carry the prisoners to Boinbay. 

In signing this convention, however, the English knew 
they could not execute it. The treasures were dispersed, 
and the diamonds and jewellery had been intrusted to the 
brother of General Matthews, to be carried to Madras. The 
garrison found itself at the discretion of the conqueror, who 
exhibited the same degree of moderation as was shown by 
the English. 

The officers and soldiers were loaded with irons, and 
General Matthews, who had set an example of perjury and 
cruelty, was poisoned by an Indian drink which was pour- 
ed down his throat. 

His brother, loaded with the spoils of Haider-Nagur, was 
surprised in the adjacent mountains, brought before Tippoo 
Sultan, and put to death. 

The armies of Mysore were everywhere successful. 
Tippoo, passing rapidly into Malabar, besieged the English 
in Mangalore, and although the peace of Versailles deprived 



132 THE INDIES. 

him of the useful support of the French, he pursued with 
activity the war against the company. 

But the English always knew when to be humble, and 
he had no time to finish his successes. The councils of 
Calcutta and Madras offered peace on such advantageous 
terms, that Tippoo imagined himself revenged ; the treaty 
was signed at Seringapatnam, at the close of 1784, and the 
belligerent powers reciprocally restored their conquests. 

Thus terminated this war, which had been commenced 
by the famine at Bengal, reduced the Carnatic to a frightful 
desert, and covered the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar 
with ruins. The influence of the French was extinct in 
Hindostan ; and although the English had yielded for a time 
to the power of Tippoo Sultan, they regarded the future 
without uneasiness, being freed from their powerful Euro- 
pean rival. 

Tippoo Sultan profited by the leisure of peace to restore 
to his empire the splendor and riches it possessed prior to 
these terrible contests against British ambition. He re-es- 
tablished the beautiful manufactures of Canara ; he encour- 
aged agriculture in their fertile plains, which reward the 
labor of man so bountifully, and aided all new discoveries 
in the arts. Faithful to the instructions of his father, he 
had remained the friend of the French, and sent a solemn 
embassy to the court of Versailles, as a proof of his politi- 
cal sympathies. 

He had established his residence at Seringapatnam. 
This city is situated on an island formed by the river Cau- 
very, which defends the approach to it, and which washes 
the different provinces of Mysore. This happy position 
presents all the advantages of a fortified place, and admit- 
ted of all the developments of a rich and populous capital. 

During the eight years of peace, the wise administration 
of Tippoo Sultan had restored power and harmony to this 
part of Hindostan. It was the only country which was 
free from English influence, and therefore enjoyed a degree 



THE INDIES. 133 

of tranquillity which the adjacent provinces in vain demand- 
ed from their British rulers. 

The councils of Madras and Calcutta, however, had also 
increased their power considerably. The cruel adminis- 
tration of Hastings had been profitable to the government, 
and his successor, Lord Cornwallis, had preserved his con- 
quests without the odium of his mistakes. The English 
were now able to re-commence the war against this formida- 
ble neighbor, who presented to the Indians the example of 
being independent. 

An opportunity soon offered, or rather was made. The 
Dutch had two forts, situated between their establishment 
of Cochin, and the kingdom of Mysore. Granganore was 
captured in 1779 by Hyder Ali. When the war again 
broke out between Hyder Ali and the English, this prince 
was obliged to withdraw his garrison from the coast of 
Malabar, and the Dutch again took possession of the fort. 
Hyder Ali complained bitterly of this, but as the Dutch 
were then aiding him in his war against the English, he 
did not wish to compromise a useful alliance, but intended 
to claim it at a future day. Tippoo had not forgotten the 
rights of his father, and profiting by his strength, advanced 
in June, 1789, against Granganore. The Dutch were un- 
able to oppose any resistance, and sold their rights to the 
rajah of Travancour. Tippoo Sultan opposed this transfer, 
but the English, who were the allies of the rajahs, declared 
themselves his defenders, and war was commenced between 
the two powers, who only wanted a pretext to show their 
hatred for each other. 

The British councils had long been preparing for it, and 
the forces of Bengal and Madras, under the command of 
Lord Cornwallis and Sir Ralph Abercrombie, invaded My- 
sore. Tippoo attempted to oppose the progress of these 
two armies, but in vain. They advanced to the walls of 
Seringapatnam, to which they laid siege. They had just 
encamped, when the river Cauvery was swollen by the 

12 



134 THE IX DIES. 

rains, and overflowed all the adjacent plains. The materi- 
als for the siege were destroyed by the torrents ; the be- 
siegers were enfeebled by disease and famine, and most of 
their beasts of burden were killed by an epidemic. Finally, 
the British were obliged to raise the siege, leaving their 
artillery, and again renouncing their promised triumphs. 

Faithful to their accustomed policy, the English had pur- 
chased the alliance of the Mahrattas, and the soubah of 
Deccan ; the support of these auxiliaries prevented their 
destruction. 

Two years elapsed in irregular contests, in which the 
sultan gained some advantages over his enemies, but in 
January, 1792, the troops of the Deccan and the Mahrat- 
tas having joined the British army, all the allied forces in- 
vaded Mysore. The army of Tippuo was attacked in for- 
midable intrenchments, was beaten, and driven to the gates 
of Seringapatnam. All the external redoubts were captured, 
and the British army took up an excellent position on the 
island. The army of Bombay, under the command of 
Abercrombie, joined Comwallis, and the English prepared 
for the assault with every prospect of success. Tippoo 
made a vigorous sortie on the night of the 21st of February, 
but in vain. Surrounded by numerous and treacherous ene- 
mies, he saw that all his efforts to save his capital were 
useless. He determined, then, to accept peace, and on the 
24th of February, trembling with passion, he signed a most 
humiliating treaty. It was agreed that the sultan should 
cede to the allies half of his dominions, that he should pay 
a considerable sum for the expenses of the war, that all the 
prisoners should be surrendered up, and that two of his 
children should be given as hostages for the faithful execu- 
tion of the treaty.* 

This last condition was the subject of an animated dis- 
cussion with Tippoo. He was so accustomed to the perfidy 

* This treaty is very similar to that recently made by the English with 
the Chinese. 



THE INDIES. 135 

of his adversaries, that he hesitated to confide to them such 
precious hostages ; and when the young princes left the 
fort to go to the English camp, the sultan ascended the 
rampart to follow them with his eyes as far as possible. 
The conditions of the treaty were promptly complied with. 

The cession of a part of the sultan's territory established 
the English in the Carnatic, and on the coast of Malabar. 
His eternal adversaries were now in the bosom of his terri- 
tory, and could intrigue and plot until strong enough to dis- 
possess him entirely. 

A formidable auxiliary, however, advanced to avenge 
Tippoo. General Bonaparte encamped on the borders of 
the Red Sea, and the chief of Mysore, full of hope in the 
French power, which his father had mentioned as his only 
support, finally thought that the day of vengeance had ar- 
rived. His confidence was also increased by receiving the 
following letter from the leader of the French expedition. 

" FRENCH REPUBLIC. 
"LIBERTY. EQUALITY. 

" Bonaparte, member of the National Institute, gcneral-in- 
chiefi to the very magnificent Sultan, our highly esteemed 
friend, Tippoo Saib. 

"Head Quarters, Cairo, 7th pluviose, VII. th ) 
year of the Republic, one and indivisible. $ 
" You have already learned that I arrived on the borders 
of the Red Sea, at the head of a numberless and invincible 
army, filled with the desire to rescue you from the iron 
yoke of England. I eagerly seize the occasion to make 
known to you my desire, to know from yourself, by way of 
Muscat and Mocha, your political position. 

M I wish you would send to Suez or Cairo, an intelligent 
and confidential person to converse with me. 

" May the Almighty increase your power, and destroy 
your enemies. Signed, 

" Bonaparte." 

It was doubtless a brilliant conception to connect the 



136 THE INDIES. 

war of Mysore v/ith the expedition to Egypt ; and if the 
Directory had seconded the views of the conqueror of Italy, 
the British power in India would have been extinct. Long 
before this, Tippoo had sent ambassadors to the Isle of 
France to solicit the aid of some French troops ; a small 
detachment of a hundred men only was sent. Probably, 
however, if Napoleon had not lost his fleet by the unfortu- 
nate battle at Aboukir, he would have attacked the English 
in their Indian possessions. This could have been accom- 
plished by placing a body of four or five thousand men un- 
der the command of Tippoo Sultan. The passage from 
Suez to the coast of Malabar could be made in twenty or 
thirty days, and the season was favorable at the time that 
the French army arrived in Egypt. No English frigate had 
yet appeared in the gulf of Arabia, and the Straits of Babel- 
mandcl were entirely free from hostile vessels. 

The moment of action was favored by the fact, that in- 
ternal troubles in Hindostan had deprived the English of 
the support of their allies, the Mahrattas and the soubah of 
Deccan. The former were divided between two chiefs, 
who were at war with each other. The second had been 
obliged to defend himself against a son who had revolted 
with a large army. 

In order to attach the soubah to his interests, Tippoo 
sent him some Frenchmen who had come from the Isle of 
France. They were bold adventurers, full of enthusiasm 
and courage, happy to exercise their restless activity, and 
still more happy to contend with the deadliest adversaries 
of the republic. The influence of this handful of French- 
men drove the English from the court of the soubah, and 
also a detachment of British troops, who had ruled this 
prince since the treaty of 1790, while pretending to protect 
him. A Frenchman named Raymond, hired and disciplined 
a body of fourteen thousand Indians, for the support of 
whom he received possession of a territory, the revenue of 
which amounted to eighteen lacks of rupees. This chief 



THE INDIES. 137 

had planted the tree of liberty in front of the palace of the 
soubah, and the French republic had thus an active and in- 
telligent power on the coast of Coromandel. Raymond 
concerted all his measures with Tippoo, and was prepar- 
ing to attack the English possessions, when death released 
them from a powerful adversary. 

The power of Raymond passed to another Frenchman ; 
but he could not sustain himself in the good graces of the 
soubah, who secretly solicited the English to deliver him 
from his unwelcome guests. The Marquis of Wellesley 
was then governor-general of British India. The hostile 
designs of Tippoo Sultan were known to him ; his solici- 
tations to the French government, his immense prepara- 
tions, his intimacy with Raymond and his successor, left 
no doubt as to his intentions. But it was necessary to 
begin by displacing the French who governed the Deccan. 
Numerous troops were sent to Haiderabad, the residence 
of the soubah. The latter was seduced by the English, and 
conspired against those whom he called his protectors, and 
the French officers were sold by those Indian soldiers whom 
they had taken so much pains to instruct. 

Scarcely were the British troops in presence of the 
French camp before Haiderabad, than a general revolt broke 
out j the officers were seized and ironed, and the English 
commander, Colonel Roberts, who had excited the insur- 
rection, had the easy glory of delivering the French from 
the hands of the insurgents. 

While the English resumed their ascendency at the coast 
of Haiderabad, the governor-general protected the seas 
around the peninsula, where he feared the arrival of the 
French squadrons. The English admiral, Raynier, having 
reinforced his fleet with ail the vessels of the company, 
proceeded toward the straits of Babelmandel, and took pos- 
session of the island of Zocotara, so well situated at the 
entrance of the straits, on the side of the Indian seas, and so 

12* 



138 THE INDIES. 

important on account of the ports and moorings found in 
the northern part of it. 

During this time, Tippoo Sultan was extremely urgent 
with the French Directory. General Dubui, one of the 
officers sent to the Isle of France, embarked at Trinquebar 
in February, 1799, as ambassador of the Sultan of Mysore, 
near the French republic. This general, who was attend- 
ed by two envoys of the country, demanded of the Directory 
a body of ten or fifteen thousand French, whom Tippoo en- 
gaged to pay, and a naval force suflicient to balance the 
English power in the Indian seas. 

If the French government at that time had understood 
the importance of this diversion, the proposition would have 
been accepted. But time was lost in useless discussions, 
during which the English were active. 

The army of Bombay, reinforced by four thousand Ben- 
gal soldiers, six thousand British troops, paid by the soubah, 
and twelve thousand picked Indians, advanced towards 
Mysore, under the command of General Harris. Tippoo, 
aware that a war of extermination had been commenced 
against him, left Seringapatnam at the head of sixty thou- 
sand men, and encamped at Periapatnam, whence he ob- 
served the movements of the English army, which approach- 
ed from Sedesear. 

At this point hostilities commenced. The first attack 
was favorable to Tippoo. By skilful manoeuvres, he sepa- 
rated the English army, but unfortunately his troops were 
unable to follow up this skilful movement, and the warlike 
Europeans soon regained the advantage. 

A new battle occurred near Malaveli, eight leagues from 
Seringapatnam, and there also, notwithstanding the skill 
and valor of the sultan, his troops were entirely defeated, 
and he was obliged to retire on the capital. 

The English immediately invested the place, and were 
soon masters of all the external fortifications. Tippoo, ter- 
rified by their progress, entered into negotiations. General 



THE IN'DIES. 139 

Harris demanded, first, that the half of the kingdom of My- 
sore should be surrendered to the company and its allies ; 
and also that the- sultan should pay the expenses of the war, 
that he should give up two of his children as hostages, and 
that he should deliver up to the English army the fort of 
Seringapatnam until the conclusion of a definite peace. 
He was allowed but twenty-four hours to think of these 
propositions. The sultan understood from these rigorous 
propositions, that his enemies wished to deprive him en- 
tirely of his power ; and certain that he had nothing to ex- 
pect from their generosity, he resolved to conquer or perish 
under the ruins of his capital. 

The inhabitants were filled with the same ardor. But 
the English batteries had caused irreparable ravages ; the 
ramparts were dismantled, ai}d every day resistance became 
more difficult. 

Finally, on the 4th of May, the breach was practicable ; 
the English marched out of their trenches, and passed over 
the Cauvery under the fire of the Indians. When they 
were on the inner bank, they advanced slowly ; and then 
every defile and every turn in the fortifications became the 
scene of a new conflict ; every step was contested ; the 
small troop of French in the service of the sultan kept the 
assailants at bay for a long time, and the inhabitants rallied 
many times around this handful of brave men. Tippoo 
himself took part in the action. He was posted two hun- 
dred paces from the breach behind an eminence of the forti- 
fication, whence he fired on the assailants. His servant, 
Rajhah-Kawn, who did not leave him, stated afterwards, that 
the sultan killed three or four Europeans. 

But when he saw that all those who defended the ram- 
part were killed, or had fled, and that the assailants advan- 
ced in considerable numbers, he mounted his horse and 
proceeded towards the inner rampart. The gate of the for- 
tress, however, was so much crowded, that he was unable 
to enter the city. 



140 THE INDIES. 

The English, who had pursued the fugitives, now advan- 
ced to the bridge thrown over the ditch of the inner ram- 
part. At the first fire of the Europeans, the sultan felt him- 
self wounded, and advanced three or four steps through the 
crowd. The besiegers having crossed the bridge, the fire 
redoubled. Tippoo received a ball in the chest, and his 
horse was wounded in the leg. Surrounded by the dead 
and dying, he was unable to advance or retreat. 

At this moment, Rajhah-Kawn, perceiving that his master 
was wounded, attempted to remove him from the saddle ; 
but at that moment both fell with the horse amid the dead 
and dying. At the same time, Uajhah-Kawn was wounded 
in the leg by a ball. 

The fire ceasing under the arch of the gate, a grenadier 
advanced toward Tippoo, whom he did not recognise, and 
seized the sabre of this prince, intending to take the gold 
clasp attached to it. The sultan, who was surrounded by 
dead bodies, disengaged his right hand, and grasping a 
sabre, felled the grenadier to the earth. Another soldier 
shared the same fate. Soon after, Tippoo rose up, and was 
killed by a ball in the temple. Some witnesses assert that 
he approached the English to surrender himself, and that 
he was recognised by them, and shot down designedly. 

The death of Tippoo, and the capture of Seringapatnam, 
extinguished forever the Mohammedan power inHindostan; 
the only surviving sons of an ancient race of conquerors, 
Hyder Ali and Tippoo, had hoped in vain to overturn the 
foreign power which had come to take their place. The 
inflexible and patient policy of the English had slowly cir- 
cumvented the kingdom of Mysore, rendering all the adja- 
cent tribes hostile, and all the Hindoo chiefs his rivals. 

The British government possessed in a particular degree 
the art of yielding to circumstances, and awaiting or crea- 
ting opportunities to resume their advantages. Beaten by 
Hyder, they were humbled; conquerors of Tippoo, they 
took from him the half of his possessions. But as the pow- 



THE INDIES. 141 

er of this prince was formidable, even after this spoliation, 
his cunning enemies took their precautions in silence, 
studied all his movements, noticed all his mistakes, and 
when time had permitted them to prepare their resources, 
they crushed him with their united forces, and destroyed 
in one campaign the only empire which could disturb their 
power in Hindostan. 

The English invited the Mahrattas to the division of the 
conquered territory, although they had taken no part in the 
war. This appearance of generosity gave the company 
the double advantage of satisfying the jealousy of the 
Mahrattas, and preventing the too great development of the 
estates of the soubah. But as, on the other hand, it was 
important not to leave the empire of the soubah and the 
Mahrattas to extend to the neighborhood of the English 
possession, it was agreed to leave the empire of Mysore 
within its ancient limits. 

But it would have been dangerous to have placed the 
children of Tippoo on the throne : the English then thought 
of the family of the ancient rajah. 

Hyder Ali, who had never assumed any other title but 
that of regent, had left his predecessors the external marks 
of sovereignty. They had retired to the ancient palace 
of the rajahs of Mysore, and there received the honors due 
to their rank. But Tippoo disdained to continue to them 
this hypocritical homage, and confined them in a small 
house near the ramparts. It was there that the English 
sought for the sovereign who was to be the tool of their 
ambition. This was extremely easy, as, by the laws of 
succession, the rajah was found to be a child five years 
old. The guardianship belonged of right to the English, 
and it is unnecessary to add that they knew how to profit 
by it. At the ceremony of the coronation, the family of 
the rajah signed the treaties which were required to con- 
firm their influence or increase their wealth ; and they 



142 THE INDIES. 

readily obtained what they required from a family who had 
been rescued from misery and placed on a throne. 

The capture of Seringapatnam offered to the government 
of Madras, the same important results which that of Plassey 
presented to the governors of Calcutta. The assassination 
of the nabob of Sourajah Doulah, had given the English 
the vast territories of Bengal : the death of Tippoo con- 
nected their possessions of Malabar with those of Coro- 
mandel. The feeble establishments of France and Holland 
on the two coasts of the peninsula, and also in Bengal, had 
successively fallen into their hands. Hyder Ali had at- 
tempted to restore the empire of Aurungzeyb, but he had 
brought about the union of its different parts only for the 
advantage of its implacable enemies, and to facilitate their 
contemplated usurpations.* 

* The space devoted to the subject of the criminal history of the British 
in India will prevent our enlarging upon the campaign recently terminated 
in Afghanistan, except to say, that the British reputation for deeds of atro- 
city and cruelty in India seems to have been revived. The late campaign 
has been attended by the same cruelties and the same thirst for plunder 
which characterized their career in the campaigns already described. 
Even the sanctuaries of the dead have been violated. The latest accounts 
state that Ghuznee is now a desolate heap of ruins. Its splendid citadel 
and other formidable works and defences have been razed to the ground, 
and the sandal-wood gates of Mohammed's mausoleum have been carried off 
by General Nott, at the express desire of Lord Ellen borough ! 



MALTA, 143 



CHAPTER IV. 
MALTA. 

Among the glorious episodes of the campaign of Egypt, 
the capture of Malta seems to be the introduction of that 
magnificent epoch, when the genius of the French re- 
awakened the country of the Pharaohs, and perhaps pre- 
pared for the bold reign of Mehemet Ali. 

Two days only were required by Napoleon to capture 
this island, which was considered to be impregnable, and 
which the French defended for two years against the 
whole of Europe, sustained by a rebellious population. 

Bonaparte appeared before the island on the 16th June, 
and on the 18th he resumed his march, having dictated the 
treaty of capitulation, provided for the execution of its dif- 
ferent clauses, and reformed the entire civil and military 
organization of the country. What he regarded simply as 
an incident, another would have considered a magnificent 
campaign. 

The fall of the Order, however, furnished a pretext for 
different powers to contest the possession of the island.' 
The King of Naples, whose predecessors had ceded Malta 
to the order of the Knights of Malta, reserving to himself 
the rights of sovereignty, considered this cession as an- 
nulled by the expulsion of the order, and secretly employed' 
his emissaries to gain possession of it. This sovereign, 
however, had been notified that his old titles must yield to 
the rights of conquest ; for his envoy, Frisari, who assisted 
in discussing the treaty of capitulation, having wished to 
reserve by a note the right of sovereignty belonging to the 



144 MALTA. 

King of Naples, Bonaparte remarked, " You may make all 
the reserves you please, but as to the pretensions of your 
king to Malta, the republic will soon dispel them by sound 
of cannon." 

On the other hand, each of those powers which had pos- 
sessed influence over this order thought that the period for 
action had come. From time immemorial, Austria, Spain, 
or Russia had attempted to rule this order by means of 
those of their subjects who were found among the knights. 
England had used its gold in these petty intrigues. The 
possession of a port which seemed to govern the Mediter- 
ranean, had awakened all their ambition ; and when the 
French republic there unfolded the tri-colored flag, it caused 
more resentment than all its other victories. Inasmuch, 
however, as neither England, nor Austria, nor Russia 
avowed their secret designs, each of them proclaimed 
loudly the legitimacy of the King of Naples, and offered 
to serve his interests. The prize would be gained by that 
one of the pretenders who could deceive most skilfully the 
ally he seemed to protect. In this contest of hypocrisy, 
England was sure of the victory. 

We shall not give the history of the insurrection of 
Malta, and of the glorious defence of General Vaubois. 
The plan of this work obliges us to state the fraudulent 
manoeuvres which gave the English possession of the island 

The first revolt occurred in September, 1798, at Rabatto, 
in consequence of a measure of the administration in regard 
to the location of the Church of the Carmel. The exhor- 
tations of the priests inflamed the fanaticism of the inhab- 
itants of the country, and foreign gold had purchased their 
chiefs. The news of the disasters at Aboukir encouraged 
the revolt, and the inhabitants soon took up arms, and the 
French were besieged in the enclosures of the four cities. 

Three chiefs were chosen to head the insurrection : they 
were the priest Caruana, the notary Emmanuel Vitale, and 
Vincent Borg, a freeholder. 



MALTA. 145 

This organization being accomplished, a deliberation was 
held as to what direction to give the insurrection. The 
Maltese did not think of contending for their own indepen- 
dence : they required a protection. To recall the knights 
of the Order seemed to be the purpose of the insurrection ; 
but this was not the idea of those who secretly directed all 
the hostilities. They preferred to wait for a favorable op- 
portunity, and to select for an avowed chief a king who 
was easily deposed. 

The old act of cession stated that the island should re- 
turn to the Sicilian crown if the Order ceased to retain 
possession of Malta ; it was then stated that by leaving they 
had renounced all their rights ; that the Maltese had ac- 
quired the right of returning under the dominion of their 
sovereign ; and to recall the Order, would be an act of 
felony towards his Sicilian Majesty. 

The insurgents, therefore, displayed the Sicilian flag, and 
sent deputies to the King of Naples, to tell him of what 
had occurred. 

Soon after obtaining aid from Ferdinand, a fleet of four- 
teen vessels appeared before Malta. Although they dis- 
played no colors, yet they were soon recognised. It was 
the English squadron, returning from the battle of Aboukir. 
Each of the vessels was marked by the balls of the French. 
Nelson, who commanded this fleet, put himself into com- 
munication with the three leaders of the insurgents, and 
soon saw that the time for action had come. But it was 
necessary to deceive the Maltese, and the King of Naples, 
and the allied powers, each of whom wished to obtain pos- 
session of the island. 

The first point to be attained was to influence the sove- 
reign monarch to declare war against France. Nelson 
took charge of this, and sailed for Naples to conduct the 
negotiations and to refit his fleets. Ferdinand flattered 
himself that he would be able to regain possession of 
Malta, and readily yielded to the influence of the English 

13 



146 MALTA. 

admiral : the latter soon reappeared before the island, with 
the consent of the prince whose nominal sovereignty it 
readily admitted, and silenced all ambitious rivals. 

It was now necessary to cause the insurgents to play a 
secondary part ; and this was accomplished by bribing the 
leaders. The priest, Caruana, was the most ambitious ; a 
bishop's mitre was the price stipulated for his devotion to 
Great Britain. Emmanuel Vitale and Vincent Borg were 
gained by appeals to their vanity, and the promise of prospec- 
tive honors. 

Nelson, however, was forced to leave, and would have 
failed in his purpose, if he had not found a man with talents 
sufficient to execute a plan which must always be conceal- 
ed, but must always progress. This honorable agent was 
Commodore Ball, to whom the command of the blockade 
was intrusted, and who showed himself, in every point of 
view, worthy of this mission of perfidy. From the time 
that he took charge of the blockade, Ball exercised so 
powerful an influence over the insurgents, that they acted 
in accordance with his directions. In order to exercise 
this supreme power, however, by which alone his ends 
could be attained, it was necessary for him to land, and to 
display the British flag side by side with that of Naples. 

The king of Naples was now receiving the punishment 
of his kindness for England. He had been driven from his 
territory by the French troops, and had retired to Palermo, 
expecting that Malta would be offered to him as a compen- 
sation for his troubles. Commodore Ball designedly select- 
ed this time of trouble to send and ask for more aid. The 
Maltese deputies had received their instructions, and re- 
quested of his majesty, that if he could not assist his faith- 
ful subjects of Malta efficiently, in consequence of the war 
in which he was engaged, that they might be permitted to 
avail themselves of the generous protection of England, and 
to take shelter under the flag of that power, as they had 
armed themselves only for the defence of their rights. 



MALTA. 147 

The trap was too evident not to be perceived, and, weak 
as Ferdinand was, he first endeavored to avoid this high 
protection. On his part, the Russian minister at the court 
of Sicily represented that this arrangement would be a 
double offence against the rights of his sovereign, an ally 
of the powers who had combined against France, and grand 
master of the order of St. John of Jerusalem. 

But Nelson and Hamilton governed at Palermo ; it is 
well known by what means. In accordance with their 
counsels, the Maltese received a reply which did not direct- 
ly offend Russia, but permitted Ball to attain his object. 
In fact, this answer contained, among other clauses, the 
following passage : " The king, knowing the loyalty of his 
ally, permits the Maltese to unite their wishes with his, that 
his Britannic majesty will continue to protect their island 
efficiently, and to take for its defence, under whatever form 
or external demonstration it pleases, all the measures which 
Lord Nelson may choose to adopt in the name of his Bri- 
tannic Majesty." 

The terms of this declaration were extremely vague, and 
the powers which it granted seemed unlimited. By virtue 
of these powers, the English flag was soon displayed side 
by side with that of Naples, and the direction of the affairs 
of Malta was intrusted to Ball, with authority to land. 

The wily commodore knew that while the knights had 
possession of Malta, the Maltese always regretted the loss 
of their ancient privileges, and their popular council. He 
therefore instituted a deliberative assembly, under the name 
of the National Congress, and had himself elected presi- 
dent. By this he flattered the national vanity, and created 
a dictatorial power, which was more efficacious, as it im- 
posed upon a popular assembly all the odium of its mea- 
sures. 

Russia, however, openly testified her displeasure, and the 
court of Palermo, unwilling to displease this powerful ally 



148 MALTA. 

who had united its forces with those of Austria, demanded 
explanations at London. 

The cabinet formally replied that it had no other inten- 
tions than to replace the Island of Malta under the dominion 
of his Sicilian Majesty. 

To add to the mysteries of this diplomacy, Ball, as he 
said, to confirm the declaration of the cabinet at London, 
announced that he was authorized to assume the supreme 
command with the title of governor, in the name of the king 
of the two Sicilies, and the Maltese had the happiness of 
seeing in this new title, the official recognition of the rights 
of their sovereign. 

Russia, however, was less credulous, and saw in the es- 
tablishment of the English flag on the ancient capital of the 
island, the league of usurpation which it feared j it then 
declared its intention of sending to Malta a body of troops 
to act in union with the English and Neapolitan forces. 

On hearing this declaration, Nelson saw that his pro- 
jects, which were so skilfully conceived, were unveiled. 
He immediately informed the insurgents of the coming of 
these formidable allies ; his information terrified the Mal- 
tese, for the Russians were still regarded at Malta as bar- 
barians who were extremely formidable. 

These prejudices were fomented by Ball, and the national 
congress, acting under his direction, sent an address to the 
Emperor of Russia, thanking him for his good wishes and 
kind offers, which were rendered unnecessary by the zeal 
and disinterestedness of the English commodore. The 
congress also demanded, that in case the troops should be 
sent, they should be placed under the command of Ball. 

Whether this last clause frustrated the views of Russia, 
or whether she was occupied with more important projects, 
the orders at St. Petersburg remained unexecuted, and Ball 
continued to be the supreme chief. 

The blockade was pushed vigorously ; the French gar- 
rison defended itself with spirit, but their provisions began 



MALTA. 149 

to fail. This famine was caused by the chivalric generosi- 
ty of General Vaubois, who was not willing to drive the 
population from their enclosure. At the commencement of 
the blockade, the French garrison had provisions for four 
years, but for eighteen months it had furnished the means 
of living to twelve thousand of the inhabitants, who took no 
part in defending the place. Vaubois saw that his gener- 
osity was ruinous to him, and, forced by circumstances, he 
ordered two thousand seven hundred Maltese to evacuate 
the four cities. General Graham, however, stopped these 
unhappy emigrants, who were advancing in security towards 
the English camp ; by his orders, they were forced to re- 
turn under the ramparts, and were there exposed for thirty- 
six hours, without food or shelter, to the constant fire of the 
English batteries on the city. Vaubois, seeing that he 
had nothing to expect from British humanity, preferred to 
surrender, rather than to be an accomplice of this cruelty ; 
he opened the gates, and the French garrison divided its 
last morsel with those unfortunate people who ruined it. 

This honorable disinterestedness unfortunately secured 
victory to the insurgents. For two years the French had 
been blockaded by land and sea, and had received aid but 
rarely, when some small vessels were able to run the Eng- 
lish blockade ; the bravery of the garrison had defeated 
every effort of the besiegers, but this garrison was starved 
by nourishing the countrymen of those who besieged them. 
Vaubois thought he had done enough for honor, and on 
September the 4th, 1800, two years after the commence- 
ment of the siege, he capitulated to the English generals. 

The treaty was very advantageous ; the English were in 
haste to take possession of the place. The garrison re- 
ceived all the honors of war, and was permitted to go to 
Marseilles. Those of the Maltese who were friendly to 
France, and wished to quit the country, were considered as 
a part of the garrison. General Vaubois offered also to 
stipulate for the reimbursement of the sums taken by the 
13* 



150 MALTA. 

French from the public treasury, churches, and private in- 
dividuals, under the term of a fine, but, to his great astonish- 
ment, this clause was rejected. This would have made 
the Maltese a party to the treaty, which was not desired by 
the English negotiators. 

Twenty-four hours afterwards, without consulting the 
Maltese, whose independence they had come to protect, or 
the Neapolitans, whose rights they had asserted, the Eng- 
lish troops took possession of all the forts. This caused 
some murmuring and some threats ; but Ball, who took 
possession of the four cities in the name of the king of the 
two Sicilies, demanded, with a view to prevent disorders, 
that the Maltese troops should lay down their arms upon 
the glacis of the place. This demand was very unsatis- 
factory, but Ball made an address, in which he spoke of 
the good faith of Britain, and his love for the Maltese. On 
the other hand, the chiefs who had been bribed by him in- 
terceded with the multitude, and partly by threats, and part- 
ly by caresses, Ball obtained his wishes ; he then went to 
the palace, and received with compliments the good Mal- 
tese, who withdrew in silence, already mortified by his du- 
plicity, and finding, when it was too late, that he was their 
master. 

A man as politic as Ball, deserved to keep the command 
of his conquest, but the English cabinet saw in it a serious 
inconvenience. The commodore was necessarily installed 
in the name of the King of Naples ; he was governor for his 
Sicilian Majesty. To change his title suddenly, would have 
openly violated all the promises that had been made. He 
was therefore recalled, and he was succeeded by Mr, 
Cameron, with a more significant title of commissioner of his 
Britannic Majesty. 

Soon afterwards, the victories of France having obliged 
the King of Naples to demand peace, Cameron availed 
himself of this opportunity to send to Messina the Neapoli- 



MALTA. 151 

tan troops, who, since the surrender of the island, had 
always remained there. 

To these measures the cabinet at London added another, 
no less significant. The island of Malta, which had hith- 
erto been regarded as belonging to Africa, was, by act of 
Parliament, embraced in the chart of Europe. 

The treaty of Amiens now supervened ; the article in 
regard to Malta was debated for a long time ; England was 
unwilling to give up her prey. As the cabinet of St. James, 
however, did not regard the peace as permanent, it resolved 
to sign concessions which it did not intend to execute. 

The treaty restored Malta to the order of St. John of Je- 
rusalem, but it mutilated the existence of this order ; it 
recognised the sovereignty of the King of Naples, but ren- 
dered it illusory. Finally, the English reserved three 
months in which to evacuate the island ; and during three 
months, the genius of Britain often accomplishes a great 
deal. 

France, on the contrary, was obliged to evacuate the 
kingdom of Naples in a month after the treaty. France 
executed in good faith the conditions to which she had as- 
sented. We shall see that this was not the case with 
England. 

From the first, the resolution of England was taken ; she 
did not wish for peace, and was not willing to surrender up 
Malta. But time was necessary to organize, by its intrigues 
and its gold, a new coalition against victorious France, and 
during this time all its skill was necessary to elude its 
promises, and to deceive, at the same time, Naples and the 
Knights of Malta, Russia and France. 

Everything depended, then, on the negotiator who should 
be sent to Malta to treat with the commissioners of the 
Order and France, or rather to mystify them. Ball was 
then thought of : the duplicity which he had already ex- 
hibited was a merit which the English government took 
care not to neglect, He, then, was named president to 



152 MALTA. 

treat with the representatives of France and of the Order ; 
and to this title was added that of royal commissioner to 
succeed Cameron in the civil administration. 

As soon as he arrived, Ball showed himself worthy of 
his mission. In fact, General Vial, minister plenipoten- 
tiary of France, had disembarked at Malta with the Nea- 
politan troops destined, according to the terms of the treaty, 
to form the 'garrison. Ball refused to surrender the for- 
tresses to the Neapolitan troops, because no commissioner 
of the Order had appeared to take possession of the island. 

The commissioner of the Order arrived, and demanded 
the surrender of the fortresses. Ball replied that he had 
no orders on this subject. 

The Grand Master of the Order, who was then at Mes- 
sina, wrote to him, announcing his proximate arrival. Ball 
told him that the official affairs of his department would 
prevent him from giving up the place, and advised his 
Highness to remain some time longer in Sicily. The min- 
ister plenipotentiary then interfered, and at the same time 
several citizens supported the demands of the Order. By 
way of answer, Ball ordered the arrest of those who en- 
deavored to form parties in the republic, and to disturb the 
public tranquillity. While these things occurred at Malta, 
the cabinet of London intrigued with all the diplomatic cir- 
cles of Europe : a third coalition was formed, but the 
preparations were slow and indecisive ; if these uncertain- 
ties continued, Malta might escape England. An opposi- 
tion was formed in the island, favored by the French pleni- 
potentiary and the commissioner of the Order ; the Grand 
Master and his Knights might present themselves at any 
time, and it would be impossible to refuse them possession. 
It was necessary to hurry the matter. 

Without previous explanation or discussion, without any 
notification to the French government, the King of Eng- 
land sent to the House of Commons a message, stating that 
in consequence of numerous preparations which were 



MALTA. 153 

making in the ports of France and Holland, new measures 
should be taken to secure their possessions. At the same 
time, the ministry stated clearly, by the journals, that the 
difficulties related to Malta. The French government re- 
sponded to this brutal attack by diplomatic negotiations. 
But notwithstanding all its desire to preserve peace, it did 
not wish to cede Malta to the English. Finally, after a 
vain interchange of notes, in which the English showed 
themselves to be more and more requiring, their ambassa- 
dor, Lord Whitworth, demanded and obtained his passports. 
The cabinet of St. James had ascertained that. Britain 
would be sustained by Europe ; and, without any previous 
declaration of war, it laid an embargo on those French and 
Bavarian vessels then in the ports of Great Britain, and at 
the same time all the persons and merchandise found on 
board of those vessels. 

This flagrant violation of the rights of nations was vainly 
censured by the opposition in Parliament. Lord Melville, 
in the House of Lords, displayed all his duplicity, and in- 
solently admitted the chicanery of his management. 

" I wish," said he, " to allude to the other points of the 
negotiation, and to confine myself to this single argument, 
that we are going to war entirely for Malta ; and I consider 
it my duty to speak openly and exactly on this important 
question. I say that Malta ought not to be retained by the 
Knights of St. John, but by ourselves. Let us hold it, 
then, not for the present only, but for ever ; let us talk no 
more of the Knights of St. John ; let the British govern- 
ment and the inhabitants of Malta establish a form of gov- 
ernment for the island, and let them be protected by a 
British garrison. Let us be prompt in our decision ; let us 
put ourselves in a position to proclaim that, for its happi- 
ness, and our interest, our protection is promised to the 
people of Malta. 

" Our object at this time is Malta ; the object of the war 



154 MALTA. 

is to keep Malta garrisoned by British troops, not for a few- 
years, but for ever." 

We know what were the consequences of this odious 
usurpation. Torrents of blood flowed for twelve years ; 
the horrors of war extended from the borders of the Tagus 
to those of the Neva. Every country furnished its contin- 
gent of victims ; and all this was done by England, and for 
England. 

We shall not narrate the vexations to which the Maltese 
were subjected under the dominion of the English gover- 
nors. T ne y were cruelly punished for their insurrection 
against France, and by the masters whom they had selected. 
In vain they sent protests to Parliament ; they were un- 
heeded. 

We will insert here, however, a letter addressed to the 
British Parliament by Vincent Borg, the active chief of 
the insurrection, who had encouraged the intervention of 
the British : — 

11 As commander of the insurgents," said he, " I have 
exposed my life and lost my fortune. It was I who invited 
the English to land, and who persuaded my fellow-citizens 
to place themselves under the protection of Great Britain. 
After the peace of Amiens, I sent deputies to London to 
request the king to keep Malta. Finally, I exhorted the 
commanders of the English troops not to evacuate the 
place. These were my services, my devotions ; and how 
have I been paid for them ? I have been discharged from 
my employment without previous notice ; I was arrested and 
kept for two months at La Valette, and finally pursued as a 
suspicious person ; and have been obliged for two years to 
have a special permit to go to the country, whenever my 
interests called me there." 

But England had no further occasion for the natives ; 
France, borne down by the European coalition, could not offer 
them her protection, and the cabinet of London oppressed 
the Maltese with impunity. According to the report of a 



MALTA. 15ft 

commission of inquiry, they were a restless and turbulent 
people, whom it was necessary to rule with a rod of iron. 

The tremendous disasters of France followed ; its rivals, 
always ready to profit by the chances of fortune, did not 
forget Malta when making the treaty of peace. The sev- 
enth article of the treaty of Paris was couched in the fol- 
lowing language : " The property and sovereignty of the 
island of Malta and its appendages belong to his Britannic 
Majesty.' 1 

It was well to devote a few words to legitimatize the 
possession of the island of Malta, which has been the 
cause of this cruel war. 

Finally, the congress of Vienna consecrated this usurpa- 
tion ; and it is one more reproach to the treaty of 1815, and 
another source of accusation against England. 



156 NAPLES. 



CHAPTER V. 
NAPLES. 

The spirit of political reform which produced the French 
Revolution, had extended throughout the whole of Europe, 
and particularly among the nobility and peasantry in the 
kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand IV. himself had felt its 
influence to a certain extent, and had already established, 
near his palace of Caserta, on the hill of San Leucio, an 
industrial colony, whose constitution and laws were ex- 
tremely democratic ; thus seemingly preparing for more 
general modifications in the state institutions. But this 
was only a caprice of the king, who wished to appear as 
philosophical as Leopold in Germany, and Ferdinand in 
Tuscany. The important events which occurred in France 
in 1789 soon changed his views. Persuaded also by the 
queen and her favorite, Acton, who were themselves gov- 
erned by Lady Hamilton, he prepared to make war upon 
the French, who had dared to limit the wishes and power 
of their king. 

With this view, he combined the other princes of Italy 
in a coalition against France, but all were terrified with 
what had occurred in this country, and were incapable of 
taking any vigorous resolutions ; hence his attempts were 
then of no avail. 

The king, however, commenced his military prepara- 
tions, and charged the regular clergy and the monastic 
orders to excite by their preaching religious fanaticism 
among the people. Ferdinand's projects, however, were 
destined to meet with obstacles of more than one kind. 



NAPLES. 157 

The army were deficient in discipline ; a long and quiet 
peace had destroyed their courage, and it was necessary to 
seek for foreign leaders. On the other hand, the new doc- 
trines had made numerous partisans of the most honorable 
and enlightened of the upper classes, all of whom desired 
in their hearts the success of France. The king was aware 
of the latter circumstance, and took measures to avoid the 
danger. 

This prince had ascended the throne when a child. 
The Marquis of Tanucci, formerly professor of law at Pisa, 
had been named president of the council of the regency, 
and had attempted to turn the attention of the young mon- 
arch from public affairs, thus hoping to usurp the authority. 
With this view, he had intrusted his education to the Prince 
of San Nicandro, one of the most imbecile men at court : 
the character of Ferdinand was thus rendered feeble, irreso- 
lute, and timid. In April, 1768, Ferdinand married the 
princess Mary Caroline Louisa of Austria, daughter of 
Maria Theresa. A clause in his marriage contract stipu- 
lated that after the birth of the first son, Queen Caroline 
should have a deliberative voice in the council. She did 
not wait till that time to exhibit that imperious character 
which was to exercise so fatal an influence on the affairs 
of state. Some months after his marriage, she succeeded 
in removing the Marquis of Tanucci, and then assumed 
absolute power over her husband. The Marquis of Sam- 
buca, who succeeded Tanucci, did not retain his place long. 
He could not agree with the queen, and was not sufficiently 
guarded in his remarks ; exile was the price of his indis- 
cretion, and Acton succeeded him in 1784. 
- Acton was born at Besangon. His father was a physi- 
cian, attached to the military hospital of that city, and 
Acton entered the royal marine when very young. Pos- 
sessed of some talent, but blinded by pride and ambi- 
tion, he blushed for his father's profession, and was vexed 
when reminded of it. He left his country, where he thought 

14 



158 NAPLES. 

his birth was an obstacle to his advancement, and from that 
time it became hateful to him. He went to Tuscany, and 
obtained from the grand duke the command of a frigate. A 
fortunate opportunity occurring, in which he displayed 
courage and skill, he attracted the attention of Ferdinand 
IV., who invited him to his court, appointed him minister 
of marine, and afterwards minister of war. From this time, 
Acton attempted to keep himself in favor. With this view, 
he flattered the passions of the queen, became her favorite, 
and united this princess and the English ambassador in 
common hostility against France. 

In 1791, the British government had in the councils of 
Ferdinand another active and devoted agent, Lady Hamil- 
ton. This woman, whose real name was unknown, but 
who assumed that of Emma Haste, was one of the most 
beautiful females of England. She first prostituted her 
charms at London, and then, by a concurrence of circum- 
stances which it is unnecessary to mention, married the Eng- 
lish ambassador at Naples, Sir William Hamilton. Emma 
Haste was presented at court by her husband. The queen 
received her very favorably, invited her to all her fetes, and 
even admitted her to her private suppers, at which the fa- 
vorite minister assisted. The queen's afTection for Lady 
Hamilton became extremely vivid, and was rather a passion 
than friendship. She often remained in the palace, and 
slept with her. 

A female like Lady Hamilton, who was always ready to 
use her charms, offered too useful an auxiliary to England 
to be neglected. Nelson, who was then commander of the 
ship-of-the-line Agamemnon, in the port of Naples, became 
her public lover ; and the intrigues of diplomacy were 
planned in the closet of the courtesan. 

Lady Hamilton soon became the avowed agent of the 
cabinet of St. James, and exercised an unbounded influence 
over the Neapolitan government, in connexion with Acton 
and the queen, who could refuse her nothing. Under her 



• NAPLES. 159 

direction, Ferdinand adopted the measures he thought 
proper to paralyze the effect of the new doctrines which 
existed in the upper classes of Neapolitan society. He 
established a secret police, having for its object to watch 
the steps and note the conversations of the citizens in pub- 
lic places, and even at their firesides. The queen took the 
direction of this espionage, and the agents of it assembled 
in her palace every evening. 

When the Legislative Assembly defied the coalition of 
kings, after the declaration of Pilnitz, the Neapolitan po- 
lice redoubled their vigilance. They respected nothing, 
and all the citizens were subjected to its odious despotism. 
The most honorable men were infamously punished on the 
slightest suspicion. This was certainly not the way to 
propitiate the partisans of the doctrines of liberty, equality, 
and justice, to support the existing order of things ; but 
England, who counselled these acts of violence, determined 
to alienate, at any price, these auxiliaries from the cause 
of France, totally regardless of the dissensions thus sown 
between the monarch and his subjects. Lord Hamilton 
advised Ferdinand to punish the partisans of French anar- 
chy severely, as Lord Hervey afterwards requested of the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany ; and he found the Neapolitan 
councils extremely docile, because his advice agreed per- 
fectly with their tyrannical propensities. 

After the death of Louis XVI., however, Ferdinand 
having refused to recognise the French republic in the per- 
son of Makau, its representative, the Convention sent a 
squadron to Naples under the command of La Touche 
Treville. The presence alone of the French vessels 
changed the king's resolution. The ambassador was ac- 
credited, and the Neapolitan government promised to be 
neutral in the war between France and the European 
powers. 

Having obtained these results, La Touche Treville sailed 
with his squadron, when a violent tempest obliged him to 



160 NAPLES. 

return to Naples to refit his vessels. During the stay in 
the city of the French marines, a great many young men, 
admirers of the revolution, formed their acquaintance, and 
feasted them ; and at one of their repasts, decorated their 
button-holes with small red caps. The court was ap- 
prized of this circumstance, and extremely vexed. Its 
vengeance was hushed until the squadron had sailed, and 
then, obeying its own feelings of resentment and the sugges- 
tions of England, as represented by Lady Hamilton, most 
of those who had sympathized with France were arrested 
for high treason. They were taken from their homes in 
the middle of the night, and cast into the dungeons of the 
Chateau of St. Elmo, where they were fed on the coarse 
bread of the prison, and slept on the bare earth ; they were 
placed in separate dungeons, and were not allowed to com- 
municate with their families, who were entirely ignorant 
of their fate. Some of the prisoners were scientific men 
and nobles, whose sufferings were much greater, because 
accustomed to the sweets of luxury and the quiet of study. 

At the same time, Ferdinand was making active prepara- 
tions for war, and concluded with Great Britain a secret 
treaty, stipulating to send into the Mediterranean a certain 
number of vessels and troops, to join those sent by the 
cabinet of St. James, so as to form a force superior to that 
of the French, and one capable of protecting the commerce 
and independence of the Two Sicilies. 

The terrible eruption of Vesuvius which occurred at this 
time, spreading desolation through the whole kingdom, did 
not arrest the labors of the state junto, a special committee 
appointed to try the prisoners detained at the castle of St. 
Elmo. England, wherever she had influence, forced the 
governments to strike down the advocates of the new doc- 
trines suddenly and by police persecutions. The revolu- 
tionary risings which broke out at this time in different 
parts of Italy contributed to increase her fury. In Pied- 
mont, a conspiracy was discovered against the king, 



XAPLES. 161 

seconded by popular movements ; a dangerous spirit of 
liberty was seen at Bologna ; and at Naples conspiracies 
were formed daily, rendered still more formidable by a bad 
harvest, the misery of the people, and general discontent. 
By this serious state of things, England saw that it was 
necessary to strike a severe blow, and the court seconded 
its views readily. The junto proceeded by inquest, and 
upon secret accusations, supported by the testimony of sala- 
ried spies, and likewise by the depositions of the domestics 
and children, members of the family. The investigation 
commenced in secret, was intrusted to defenders appointed 
by the king, and the accused was not permitted to be heard 
in his defence. The punishment inflicted on those who 
were found guilty, was death, imprisonment, hard labor, 
and banishment. From the sentence there was no appeal, 
and punishment was immediate. 

Amid these iniquities, Bonaparte invaded Italy with a 
small army, and drove before him the numerous troops of 
the coalition. Ferdinand sent regiments to the Austrians 
in Lombardy. and declared war, in terms extremely insult- 
ing to France. 

Bonaparte's rapid successes terrified Ferdinand, and he 
readily accepted an armistice offered by the republican 
general, which was signed shortly afterwards at Brescia. 
Agreeably to this convention, Ferdinand recalled the rem- 
nants of the Neapolitan regiments from Lombardy, and the 
vessels sent to reinforce the British fleet, from the Mediter- 
ranean. When, however, it was known at Naples that a 
new Austrian army, commanded by Wurmser, had entered 
Italy, Ferdinand's hopes revived, and he immediately re- 
sumed his menacing attitude — which did not long continue, 
for he soon received the news of Wurmser's defeat. Fer- 
dinand was then terrified, and humbly solicited that the 
armistice of Brescia might be changed to a permanent 
peace. This request was granted by a treaty signed at 
Paris in October, 1796, on condition of quitting his allies, 
14* 



162 NAPLES. 

observing neutrality, and liberating the French who were 
imprisoned for treason, and to grant his subjects the com- 
mercial advantages enjoyed by the most favored nations. 
England, however, preserved all her influence in the coun- 
cils of Ferdinand ; and, thanks to her intrigues, the peace 
of Paris, like the armistice of Brescia, was only a device 
to gain time. An opportunity of resuming hostilities soon 
presented itself. The French had captured Rome, and 
many distinguished personages from the pontifical state had 
retired to Naples, exaggerating, in their reports, the rigor 
of the conquerors, and thus exciting the people against them. 

Berthier, who commanded the French troops at Rome, 
intimated to the court of Naples that the Roman emigrants 
must be expelled from the Neapolitan territory, that pass- 
ports must be given to the English ambassador and wife ; 
General Acton dismissed from the ministry, whom Eng- 
land had made her accomplice, and that the French troops 
must pass through the Neapolitan territory, to take posses- 
sion of Benevento and Pontecorvo in the Roman states. 
But Ferdinand was ruled by his advisers, refused the re- 
quests, garrisoned the two Roman cities, and took measures 
to defend the line of the frontiers. 

Things were in this state, when the French expedition 
for the invasion of Egypt left the port of Toulon and sailed 
for its place of destination, which was then known only to 
a few individuals. Caroline was advised of it by a letter 
from the Queen of Spain, and communicated this secret to 
England, who took measures in consequence. 

The capture of Malta by the French added to these per- 
secutions ; but the indignation of the people finally became 
so general, that it was necessary to make some sacrifices 
to public opinion. The judge, Yanni, who presided over 
the council of state, was removed from his office and ban- 
ished from Naples, and even Acton pretended to absent 
himself. The irritated populace was no sooner soothed, 
however, than the same acts were re-enacted : the prisons 



NAPLES. 163 

were again crowded with victims ; the infamous Castelci- 
cala, member of the junto, was appointed minister of jus- 
tice ; and Vanni received, in his exile, consolation, encour- 
agement, and gold. 

About this time, Nelson appeared in the bay of Naples 
with the vessels captured by him at Aboukir. The court 
indulged in the most extravagant joy. Ferdinand, the 
queen, Lady Hamilton, and a great number of courtesans, 
embarked and went to meet Nelson. Ferdinand presented 
him with a costly sword, and carried him in triumph to his 
palace. Public rejoicings were ordered, and the people 
were commanded to illuminate the fronts of their houses. 
Garat, the French ambassador, assisted in these honors 
rendered to the admiral, but was treated with disdainful 
insult by the queen, for which he vainly demanded repa- 
ration. 

England, however, fearing that the result of the congress 
convoked at Rastadt, to negotiate peace, would be favorable, 
took every means to sow dissension between the powers. 
She sent the Baron of Awerveck to Naples to excite Fer- 
dinand to make war on France. This diplomatist exerted 
himself to second the efforts of Lady Hamilton and Lord 
Nelson. The queen was easily gained over, Ferdinand's 
opinions were also iniluenced, and war was resolved upon. 
From this time extraordinary levies of soldiers were made, 
and General Mack came from Germany to take command 
of the Neapolitan population. 

While the English government were thus successful at 
Naples, the same result was obtained at Florence by 
threats. Lord Hervey notified the Grand Duke that the 
English fleet would burn Leghorn unless he declared war 
against the republic ; that an army would march upon 
Florence, to compel him to dismiss Laflotte, the French 
ambassador, immediately. The insolence of Lord Hervey 
did not stop here : he demanded that the emblems of French 
democracy should be effaced from the palace of the ambas- 



164 NAPLES. 

sador ; that all the partisans of French anarchy should be 
severely punished ; that all communication between France 
and Tuscany should be interrupted, &c. The Grand Duke, 
too feeble to enforce his neutrality, was obliged to submit. 

Finally, on the 22d of November, Ferdinand published 
a manifesto, in which he explained the motives which in- 
duced him to make war on France. At the same time, his 
ministers addressed secret letters to the other cabinets of 
Italy, to engage them to make common cause with Naples 
and England. One of these letters, written to the minister 
of the King of Piedmont, was intercepted and published 
by the French ; it contained these atrocious remarks : 
" The French battalions are scattered throughout Pied- 
mont, secure and confident of peace. Excite the patriotism 
of the people to enthusiasm and even fury, so that every 
Piedmontese shall aspire to the honor of trampling on the 
enemies of his country. These partial murders will be 
more advantageous to Piedmont than victories gained in 
the field of battle ; and the just verdict of posterity will 
never brand with the term treason those energetic acts of 
an entire people, which passes over the dead bodies of its 
oppressors to regain its liberty. Our brave Neapolitans, 
under the command of our illustrious General Mack, will 
be the first to give the signal of death to the enemy of 
thrones and peoples ; perhaps they will be on their march 
when this letter reaches you." 

In fact, the Neapolitan army immediately marched on 
the pontifical states, and invaded them at different points. 
Six thousand men, under the orders of Naselli, embarked 
for Leghorn in English and Portuguese vessels. Mack, at 
the head of twenty-two thousand soldiers, marched directly 
on Rome. He wrote to General Championnet, command- 
ing the French army, saying, " I intend to take possession 
of Rome ; I wish you to evacuate it and all its territory. 
I forbid your sending any troops into the territory of Tus- 
cany ; and if you fire a single gun against the Neapolitan 



NAPLES. 165 

troops, I will kill every Frenchman who falls into my 
power !" This threat was enforced : at Arcoli, three 
French soldiers who were captured* were tied to a tree and 
shot ; at the hospital of Otricoli, which was occupied by 
Mack, thirty French soldiers, who had suffered amputation 
on the preceding day, were also shot, and their bodies 
buried. 

The neutrality of Tuscany, which Mack took under his 
protection, was subjected to many outrages. Nelson ap- 
peared before Leghorn with the vessels having on board 
six thousand Neapolitans, under the orders of Naselli. 
They were to be disembarked and to attack the rear guard 
of the French. On seeing the fleet, the commandant of 
the place made representations as to its neutrality, but in 
vain, and finally the soldiers landed. He justified his course 
in the following proclamation : — 

"Leghorn, Nov. 30, 1798. 

" Jacob Lavaillette, major general of the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany, commander at Leghorn, has learned that a squad- 
ron of English and Portuguese vessels of war have appeared 
before Leghorn, and have declared their intention to land, 
even by force, in case of resistance. The commander of 
Leghorn, unable to resist, permits them to disembark, un- 
der the express condition of respecting the neutrality of 
Tuscany." 

When the squadron was entering the roads, Nelson seized, 
as a lawful prize, a Genoese fleet of merchant vessels richly 
laden. Thus was the neutrality of Tuscany respected. 

On the approach of Mack, who was attended by King 
Ferdinand, the French troops evacuated Rome. Some 
partisans of the republic, some Neapolitans who had fled 
from persecution, either could not or would not follow : 
they were arrested on the same day, and executed by order 
of the king. The populace was subjected to the ravages 
of miserable beings who, under the pretext of religion, pil- 



166 NAPLES. 

laged houses, robbed the citizens, drowned in the Tiber a 
great number of Jews, and committed the most revolting 
atrocities in the presence of the soldiery, who offered no 
opposition. But the French soon resumed the offensive, 
routed the Neapolitan army, and Ferdinand succeeded in 
escaping to his capital only by means of a disgraceful dis- 
guise. Terror seized the court ; it tried to arrest the pro- 
gress of the enemy, but gently, for it could not calculate on 
success. On the night of the 21st of December, the king, 
and all those who had excited against themselves public 
animadversion, embarked and fled into Sicily. The king 
carried away the jewels and treasure of the crown, the 
most precious antiquities, the chefs d'ceuvres of the arts 
which adorned the museums, and about eighty millions of 
francs found in the public treasury. He was advised to 
these thefts by Lady Hamilton and Admiral Nelson. 

Shortly after, the French, under the orders of Cham- 
pionnet, aided by a part of the population, took possession 
of the city of Naples, and formed the Parthenopoean re- 
public, amid the acclamations of the whole people. 

All, however, was not finished. The royalists excited 
the inhabitants of the provinces to insurrection, and Cardi- 
nal Ruffo placed himself at their head. The insurrection 
gradually extended, and the French army, unable to defend 
themselves against an enemy whose power increased daily, 
evacuated the city, leaving the new republic to provide for 
its defence. 

The republicans of Naples were extremely brave, but 
they were too few to ensure their triumph. The French 
had just evacuated the city, when a large number of Eng- 
lish and Sicilian vessels made a descent on the islands of 
Ischia and Procida, took possession of them, massacred the 
republicans, re-established the royal government, and ap- 
pointed magistrates to detect and punish the rebels. 

Admiral Caracciolo, who had left Sicily to enlist in the 
service of the Parthenopoean republic, was ordered to re- 



NAPLES. 167 

take these two islands. With this view, he assembled 
some vessels, but failed from the contrary winds and the 
inferiority of his forces. He re-entered the harbor of 
Naples, without having sustained much injury himself, 
although he had inflicted much on the enemy. 

The royalists, however, under the command of RufFo, 
advanced rapidly. All the provinces had yielded to them ; 
the republican government retained command only of the 
capital and the environs of the city. The defection of the 
Duke of Roccaromana, who deserted to the enemy with a 
division of cavalry, increased the dangerous position of the 
patriots. The secret agents of Ruffo fomented treason in 
the ranks of the people : the men employed in the arsenal 
at Castellamare were bought over, and attempted, but un- 
successfully, to set it on fire. Cries of sedition disturbed 
the repose of the citizens at night, and reports of the bloody 
reactions meditated by the royalists were current in every 
part. 

In 1799, on the 13th of June, the royal army had ad- 
vanced to the walls of- the city. Jl was composed of 
fanatical peasants, principally Calabrians, who were distin- 
guished for their ferocity ; bands commanded by former 
leaders of banditti, as Fra-Diavolo and Mammone ; and, 
finally, Sicilian, Turkish, Russian, and English auxiliaries. 
This army invested Naples, and attacked it simultaneously 
at several points. The Russians assailed the fort of 
Vigliena, the walls of which were battered by cannon. 
A furious battle ensued, and the republicans were about to 
yield to numbers, when the commander of the fort, the 
priest Toscani, covered with wounds, crawled to the maga- 
zine and fired it. The fort blew up with a terrible explo- 
sion, and buried Russians and Neapolitans under its ruins. 
The battle was carried on in every part with the same de- 
gree of ferocity. Success was doubtful during the day, and 
night alone put an end to the contest. 

The next day the city was in the hands of the royalists. 



168 NAPLES. 

and the republicans were shut up in the castles, but deter- 
mined to sell their lives dearly. But Rufifo, astonished at 
so vigorous a resistance, was still doubtful of his victory. 
Notwithstanding the advantages he had gained, he was 
fearful of driving to despair such determined men, who 
might at any time be assisted by the French and Spanish, 
whose combined fleets were still in the Mediterranean. 
RufFo then proposed an armistice to the republicans. As, 
however, the Directory had declared that they had no con- 
fidence in King Ferdinand and his lieutenant Ruflb, the 
patriots required that the articles of the treaty should be 
sanctioned and their execution guarantied by the command- 
ers of the Russian and Turkish army, by the admiral of 
the English fleet, and by the French general Megean, who, 
since the departure of the French army, had retained pos- 
session of the castle of St. Elmo. After conferring in a 
low tone with his allies, Ruflb assented to the demands of 
the republicans, and peace was concluded in the following 
terms : — 

" 1. The Castel Novo, and the Castel del Ovo, with 
their armaments and munitions of war, shall be delivered to 
the commissioners of the King of the Two Sicilies, of his 
allies, England, Russia, and the Ottoman Porte. 

" 2. The republican garrisons of the two forts shall 
march out with the honors of war, and their persons and 
goods, both moveable and immoveable, shall be respected. 

" 3. They may, at their option, embark either on board 
of the vessels of parliament, to be transported to Toulon, 
or may remain in the kingdom, and themselves and families 
shall be respected. The vessels shall be supplied by the 
king's ministers. 

" 4. These conditions and clauses shall be applicable to 
both sexes in the castles, and to the republicans captured 
during the war by the royal troops and their allies. 

" 5. The republican garrisons shall not leave the castles 



NAPLES. 169 

until the vessels destined for those who wish to leave the 
kingdom are ready to sail. 

" 6. The archbishop of Salerno, the count of Chice- 
roux, the count of Dillon, and the bishop of Aveilleiro, shall 
remain as hostages in the castle of St. Elmo until news is 
received at Naples of the safe arrival at Toulon of the 
vessels with the republican garrisons. The prisoners of 
the royal party, and the hostages kept in the forts, shall be 
liberated on the ratification of the present capitulation." 

This convention was signed by Cardinal Ruflb and the 
count of Chiceroux in the name of the King of Naples, 
Captain Foot on the part of England, Bailie of Russia, 
Bonieu for Turkey, and Generals Massa and Megean for 
the republic. 

Several days were spent in preparing the vessels. An 
edict, signed by Cardinal RufTo as lieutenant of the king, 
declared that " the war was ended ; that neither parties nor 
factions existed any longer in the kingdom, but only citi- 
zens and brothers, equally subject to the prince ; that the 
king was disposed to pardon the errors of the rebellion, and 
accord even to his enemies his paternal goodness ; and 
consequently that there would be no persecution, nor pil- 
lage, nor contests, nor disasters, nor armaments." Some 
of the republicans determined to remain at Naples ; but 
most of thfm, having less confidence in the assurances of 
royalty, embarked on board of the vessels, and made up 
their minds to leave their country. The garrisons of the 
forts marched out with the honors of war, and most of the 
patriots who composed them also embarked. The vessels 
waited only for a favorable wind. 

A numerous fleet was now seen in the horizon. At first 
it was supposed to be the French and Spaniards, who had 
come to assist the republicans, who now regretted their 
surrender. But they were soon undeceived ; the vessels 
were those of Admiral Nelson. 

The wind was now fair, and yet the vessels having on 
15 



170 NAPLES. 

board the patriots did not depart. They left their moor- 
ings, but were placed under the cannon of the Castel del 
Ovo. The republicans demanded explanations of the Eng- 
lish admiral, who, in reply, published an edict of Ferdinand, 
annulling the capitulation, under the pretence that a king 
could not treat with his subjects, nor deprive himself of the 
right to punish rebels. In a short time, the commissaries 
of Ferdinand arrested about a hundred patriots from the 
vessels ; they were chained in couples, and inarched through 
the indignant, but silent populace, into the dungeons of the 
castle they had quitted under the faith of treaties, and which 
had passed from their hands into those of the English. 

Thus, under the eyes of the representatives of the allies, 
who made no opposition, a most sacred engagement was 
odiously violated ; an act of treason unexampled in the 
annals of civilized people, and the base infamy of which 
was assumed by Great Britain alone. An act so dishonor- 
able, however, produced the most energetic protestations on 
the part of some oflicers of the British marine, and Captain 
Trowbridge resigned his commission, and returned to Eng- 
land, so as not to serve under the orders of Nelson. But the 
cabinet of St. James, as if to brave the general indignation 
which existed in Europe against the conduct of the admiral, 
rewarded him, on his return to England, with the rank of 
Vice-Admiral of the blue, and sent him to Copenhagen to 
consummate another deed of villany. 

Reactions soon commenced. All those not among the 
conquerors were exposed to be massacred. Bloody bodies 
were seen in the streets and squares. The executioners, 
when tired of asking admission, broke into the houses of 
the citizens, and under pretence of seizing the proscribed, 
stole the gold and precious things on which they could lay 
their hands. Those unfortunate beings who escaped death 
at the moment of their arrest, were loaded with chains, or 
beaten and led to prison, subjected in their course through 
the streets to injury and outrage. 



NAPLES. 



171 



A tribunal was instituted for the trial of the patriots, over 
which the infamous Speciale presided. We will not men- 
tion all the crimes committed ; the history of them would 
be too long, and would occupy several volumes j two cases 
will show the mode in which it proceeded, and made such 
an atrocious mockery of the sacred forms of justice. 

A noble Neapolitan, named Pasquale Battistessa, was 
brought before the judges, for being a moderate partisan of 
the liberals, and was condemned to be hung. He was ex- 
ecuted, and thought to be dead. But when about to be 
buried, traces of life were observed. By the orders of 
Speciale, his throat was cut by the executioner, in the 
church. 

" Admiral Caracciolo," says Coletta, in his History of 
Naples, to which we are indebted for most of the materials 
of this chapter, " Admiral Caracciolo was betrayed by a 
domestic, and was arrested in an obscure retreat. Nelson 
demanded of Cardinal Ruffb, that the admiral should be 
given up to him. It was thought that, this was done to save 
a brave man, who had shared with him the dangers of the 
sea and the strife of battles. The same day a court-martial 
of Neapolitan officers was convened on board of his vessel, 
and Count Thurn, the highest in rank, presided over it. 
This court heard the accusations, and also the accused, 
who was ignorant of the charges against him ; it however 
admitted the justice of the admiral's demand, that the proofs 
and evidences in his favor should be heard. Nelson, when 
informed of this resolution, said that delays were useless ; 
and then this slavish assembly condemned the unfortunate 
Caracciolo to perpetual imprisonment. But Nelson, being 
told of this sentence by Count Thurn, the president, re- 
sponded, ' Death ;' and the word imprisonment was erased, 
and that of death substituted. This infamous court-martial 
separated at two o'clock, and at the same moment, Frances- 
co Caracciolo, a gray-headed Neapolitan prince, an admiral 
celebrated for his talent and bravery, illustrious for the glory 



172 NAPLES. 

he had acquired by thirty-five years of services rendered 
to his country and his king, a distinguished and modest citi- 
zen, betrayed by one of his own domestics, betrayed by his 
brother in arms, Lord Nelson, betrayed by the officers, his 
judges, who had been so much honored by his triumphs, 
was loaded with chains, was taken on board a Neapolitan 
frigate, the Minerva, more celebrated than any other vessel 
for the victories of the admiral, and was hung up at the 
yard-arm, where he remained exposed all night, a sad 
monument of Nelson's infamy." 

Another historian relates, that on learning his condemna- 
tion, Caracciolo wrote to Nelson, asking not his life, but 
that he might die like a soldier, and be shot ; and that Nel- 
son refused his request, assisted at the execution, and took 
pleasure in the horrid sight. Lady Hamilton was at his 
side ! 

Three days after, and when Ferdinand, who had wished 
to remain on the sea, had issued a great many tyrannical 
and sanguinary edicts, under the direction of his English 
advisers, the prince, in company with Nelson, perceived an 
object floating on the surface of the sea, and propelled by 
the waves towards his vessel. " On observing it," says 
Coletta, " he discovered a dead body immersed in water to 
its middle, while the head was elevated, seemingly coming 
towards him in a threatening manner. Looking at it atten- 
tively, he recognised the livid face of his victim, and ex- 
claimed, ' Caracciolo !' Turning round, and shuddering with 
horror, he inquired, ' What does this corpse wish V While 
his assistants were silent and stupefied, the chaplain an- 
swered, in a solemn manner, * A Christian burial.' — 'Let it 
be given,' said the king, and retired alone and thoughtful 
into the cabin." 

Shortly after, the English government perceived the ne- 
cessity of modifying its policy in regard to France and the 
kingdom of the two Sicilies, recalled its ambassador, and 
Nelson, unable to be separated from Lady Hamilton, left 



NAPLES. 173 

his command, and returned to England. He was afterwards 
killed, as is well known, at the battle of Trafalgar. Fear- 
ing that the English government would overlook the servi- 
ces rendered at Naples by Lady Hamilton, they were men- 
tioned in his will, and this woman was recommended in the 
highest terms. But England disdained the prostitute who 
was no longer useful. Lady Hamilton was forgotten by 
her country, and afterward died in France, in a state of ex- 
treme wretchedness. 

15* 



174 FRANCE. 



CHAPTER VI, 
FRANCE. 

I. REVOLUTION. 

We have thus far studied the policy of the cabinet of St. 
James only in its action on foreign countries. Except the 
transactions in Malta and Naples, we have not found it in 
direct opposition to France. We shall now allude to that 
long and bloody contest which began in 1793, and ended 
in 1814. 

We shall require all our impartial feelings in order that 
we may not seem actuated by hatred, and that justice may 
not resemble vengeance ; and shall produce proofs which 
cannot be denied, even by the accused. We shall speak 
with the Moniteur in hand ; we shall refer to men who have 
seen and understood, who have taken part in the great 
events of the imperial and revolutionary era ; and, finally, 
shall often depend on the English themselves, to corroborate, 
by their own statements, our strongest accusations. We 
have often seen that on such a point, the proof must be de- 
cisive, the demonstration unanswerable. 

T. THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT CALUMNIATES THE FRENCH 

REVOLUTION IT ATTACKS THE ALLIES OF FRANCE IT 

ORGANIZES THE COALITION TREATIES OF FILNITZ AND 

PA VIA. 

When the Americans captured the army of Lord Corn- 
wallis, Lord North exclaimed : " France has given us a 



FRANCE. 175 

terrible blow ; America is lost. She is now preparing to 
capture India. We must make peace, and employ all the 
means in our power to disturb France, both in her foreign 
and domestic relations." 

These words were remembered by Pitt ; they were the 
lesson of his life ; on his death-bed he transmitted them to 
his worthy pupil, Castlereagh. 

To neutralize the sympathies which the French had early 
found in England, it was necessary to render odious the 
men and the deeds of the revolution. Calumny was the 
most convenient and surest mode of doing this, and Pitt 
was accustomed to the use of this weapon. 

Many writers of merit were pensioned by the govern- 
ment, to devote their talent and political influence in oppo- 
sition to the principles of the French revolution. This di- 
rect action of the cabinet on the opinion of the English 
nation was exercised only in secret. In fact, the ministry 
was obliged to conceal its real intentions, even in England. 
As to France, it reiterated the assurances of the desire to 
preserve peace between the two countries. Not being then 
in a condition to enter into a contest with France, it. attack- 
ed her indirectly, by threatening the only ally faithful to 
her — Spain. 

At the close of 1789, two Spanish vessels entered the 
bay of Nootka Sound, on the northwest coast of North 
America, and conducted with some irregularity towards two 
British vessels. The King of Spain, when informed of it, 
made every apology, and tendered every satisfaction to the 
cabinet of St. James ; but an amicable arrangement would 
not suit the English, who ordered a fleet to be armed for 
the Mediterranean. The attitude of the constitutional as- 
sembly, which, notwithstanding the uncertain position of 
France, resolved to respond loyally to the appeal of Spain, 
disconcerted Pitt's projects. War was postponed, and the 
force which this result gave to the British ministry, permit- 
ted them to combine at their leisure against the French 



176 FRANCE. 

revolution. Willi this view Pitt availed himself of all his 
disposable means, and thus prepared for the last scene of 
the great catastrophe. Cornwallis was ordered to termi- 
nate the war in India ; next an attempt was made to alarm 
the court of Madrid on the subject of a revolution. Austria 
was reconciled to Turkey, with which she had become em- 
broiled in 1787, not withstanding all the efforts of French 
diplomacy ; finally, the peace of Warela, concluded the 14th 
of August, 1790, by the mediation of Spain, but under the 
influence of the British cabinet, terminated the war between 
Sweden and Russia. Thus, every effort of English diplo- 
macy terminated fortunately. 

While the anti-revolutionary propaganda made rapid pro- 
gress in Great Britain, and while the blacks in the French 
colonies were excited to rebellion by secret agents, a crusade 
was organized on the continent against France. Lord Elgin, 
the English ambassador at Naples, visited the European 
courts, to excite the kings against the revolution. This diplo- 
matist brought about a conference between the Emperor of 
Austria and the King of Prussia, a conference which led to 
the treaty of Mantua, signed on the 20th of May, 1791, and 
the convention of Pilnitz, concluded August 27th of the 
same year. This last is known by all those who have 
read even an abridged history of the French revolution. 
The treaty of Mantua is less known, although infinitely 
more important. The principal arrangements in it were as 
follows : The sovereigns who signed it divided France. 
The Emperor of Austria took Lorraine, Alsace, and la 
Franche-Comte, destined afterwards for Switzerland ; the 
King of Sardinia, Bresse, Bugey, Gex, and Dauphiny ; the 
King of Spain, Roussillon, Beam, the Island of Corsica, 
and the French part of St. Domingo. Russia reserved for 
herself the right to invade Poland, a part of Podolia, and the 
small ports of Servia ; Prussia was to take possession of 
Dantzick, Thorn, the high palatinate, and Lusace. 

England did not sign this declaration. She could not 



FRANCE. 177 

yet permit herself to indulge in so open an act of hostility 
against France, to whom she was constantly making pro- 
testations of friendship ; it would endanger the success 
of her plans. But England had from the first, as we have 
already seen, brought about the conference which led to 
the treaty ; and she had afterwards, although quietly, par- 
ticipated in the arrangements which were signed by the 
four contracting sovereigns. The motives of pure policy 
are easily understood : ; ' Internal dissensions and foreign 
wars will exhaust the resources of France, and thus fulfil 
the wishes of the British ministry. If, as is believed will 
be the case, France shall be crushed, the cabinet of St. 
James will profit by its fall, and would then receive, with- 
out any trouble, from the French colonies, an equivalent 
to what the other powers desired to keep on the continent. 
If by any unforeseen chance France should be victorious, 
England could arrest her progress, and form a rallying 
point for her enemies. At all events, by fanning the 
kindling flame, the weakening of the French, and the loss 
of her marine, would compensate the English for the revolu- 
tion in America."* Farther, England soon assented to this 
plan of devastation and robbery, a strange conspiracy of 
those loyal sovereigns, who declared that they made war 
on the revolution only to destroy Jacobinism. In March, 
1792, the British cabinet acceded to the treaty of Mantua ; 
the'eonsent of Holland, advised by the agents of Pitt, oc- 
curred about the same time. 

Immediately after the signature of this convention, Cob- 
lentz became the rendezvous of the emigrants and principal 
agents of the coalition. Some were publicly supported by 
England ; among others were Burke's son, and the ex- 
minister Calonne, who were intriguing in behalf of the 
cabinet of St. James. It wasunderstood, also, that a mani- 
festo of the Duke of Brunswick had been forged at the for- 
eign office, and that the English emissaries on the conti- 
• Ryan. 



178 FRANCE. 

nent had distributed an immense number of copies of them, 
translated into different languages, even before it was pub- 
lished officially.* The French Government demanded of 
the British cabinet explanations on all these points ; Pitt 
and his colleagues merely denied the statement, again pro- 
testing their sincere desire to see peace maintained between 
the two countries. 

II. ACTS HOSTILITY OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT 

AGAINST FRANCE, BEFORE ANY DECLARATION OF WAR 

PITT CONTINUES HIS SYSTEM OF CALUMNY IN REGARD TO 
THE REVOLUTION. 

The policy of Pitt now began to be more bold. A liber- 
al society of London had subscribed 10,000 pairs of shoes 
for the French soldiers. The cargo was detained in the 
Thames by order of council. About the same time, several 
vessels loaded with grain for France were also stopped by 
a similar order. This grain, however, had been paid for 
in advance, and there existed between the two powers a 
treaty of commerce, which protected all eommercial trans- 
actions between the two countries, until war was deelared. 

Soon after, the tocsin of the 10th of August announced 
to monarchical Europe the fall of the throne of Louis XVI. j 
the English ministry recalled Lord Gower, its ambassador 
at Paris. This diplomatist addressed a circular to all the 
English residing in France, inviting them to quit the terri- 
tory, declaring that he would not be responsible for any 
damage which might ensue from their continued residence. 
Goldsmith remarks, and correctly, in his work cited above, 
that this was meddling with the internal affairs of France, 
contrary to a formal promise made by England, never to 
interfere in them. 

Immediately after the recall of its ambassador, the cabi" 

* Crimes des Cabinets, ou Tableau des Plans, et des actes d'Hostilite^ 
formes par les divers puissances de l'Europe, &c, by Goldsmith. 
12* 



FRANCE. 



179 



net at London suspended all intercourse with Chauvelin, the 
minister plenipotentiary of France, in England. He at- 
tempted to communicate with Lord Granville, the minister 
of foreign affairs, but whenever a diplomatic note was sent, 
or an interview was demanded, he was insolently told that 
he was no longer regarded as an official character. Maret, 
who, like himself, was instructed to make the most pacific 
overtures to the English minister, and to give him the most 
satisfactory assurances in regard to the views of the repub- 
lican government, could not effect any negotiation. The 
most gross refusals and most flimsy pretexts were con- 
stantly received by the representatives of France. They 
were well treated in private, but the British government 
could not compromise itself by an understanding with the 
republic, through the agency of those whose official titles 
they did not wish to recognise. It had resolved to reject 
the generous advances of the government established in 
place of the authority of Louis XVI. But it wished at any 
rate for a rupture without any declaration of war, and with- 
out appearing to desire it. 

In the mean time, a measure entirely new in England, 
decreed by the British government, excited the indignation 
of all the friends of liberty. The ministry proposed and 
caused to be adopted by both Houses of parliament, a bill 
which imposed the most arbitrary and severe regulations 
on all strangers resident in the kingdoms of England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland ; this law gave the English authorities 
the right to imprison and expel from the British terri- 
tory, any stranger who, after a definite period, should not 
voluntarily obey the injunction to quit England. Another 
bill proscribed the circulation of assignats throughout the 
United Kingdom, and completed the demonstrations of 
hostility which the cabinet of St. James made openly. It 
was war, without any declaration of it. 

The French minister, Chauvelin, demanded of Lord 
Granville if he was included among the strangers subject 



180 FRANCE. 

to this last law. He was told that he was not considered 
an exception to the rule, because, in the eyes of the cabi- 
net, he was neither more nor less than a private individual. 
Notwithstanding this refusal of protection, Chauvelin deter- 
mined to remain at London, and still attempted to nego- 
tiate, but without success. 

To complete the feeling among the English against the 
French Revolution, Pitt had recourse to those vulgar meth- 
ods which governments employ so often to act on the im- 
agination of the masses. On a fine day, the king, by two 
proclamations of Dec. 1st, 1792, ordered the military to be 
called out, convened Parliament for the 14th of the same 
month, although its regular time to assemble was in Janu- 
ary, marched troops towards London, fortified the tower, 
mounted guns upon it, and displayed all the armaments of 
war. Why were all these preparations ? What enemy 
was expected ? Was England threatened with any sudden 
invasion? No. This great expedition had been called out 
by Thomas Paine's treatise on the " Rights of Man." It 
was pretended that the government was afraid of this pub- 
lication ; and on account of this octavo volume, a few copies 
of which were circulated in the political circles of London, 
the country was declared to be in danger. This humbug 
was powerfully aided by the propaganda organized by order 
of the minister. The most absurd and atrocious calumnies 
against France were circulated : the English aristocracy 
and tradesmen were persuaded that the French wished to 
overturn the British constitution, destroy all titles to prop- 
erty, and introduce anarchy into the United Kingdom. The 
press, the Parliament, and the monarchical clubs founded 
under the inspiration of Pitt, assisted the minister in ac- 
complishing this work. His success exceeded his expecta- 
tions. In a short time, preparations for war against France 
became popular. " There was a sudden and active coali- 
tion of all the dependants of the court, men in place, nobles, 
priests, rich landholders, and capitalists who 'lived on* 



FRANCE. 181 

abuses. They filled the newspapers with their protesta- 
tions of devotion to the English constitution, horror for the 
French Revolution, and hatred for anarchists ; and the 
effect thus produced on public opinion was such, that in a 
few days nearly all England was prostrate before the min- 
istry, and veneration for the French Revolution was followed 
in the hearts of the English by the most violent hatred." 

In the midst of this general movement against France, a 
few generous voices were raised in behalf of the truth, and 
with a view to inspire the English with more equitable, if 
not more sympathetic sentiments, and Fox advocated the 
sending of an ambassador to Paris ; Sheridan justified the 
bloody measures which circumstances had compelled the 
republicans to adopt ; Erskine bravely defended Thomas 
Paine, who was burned in effigy ; Lord Stanhope bitterly 
reproached the counsellors of the crown with their duplicity 
and infamous acts ; but these noble efforts were of no avail. 
The influence of Pitt was predominant, and had extin- 
guished in the hearts of the English the last spark of 
reason and sympathy for republican France. 

III. RECALL OF THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR FROM PARIS 

SECRET NEGOTIATIONS WITH DUMOURIEZ PITT PRO- 
VOKES A DECLARATION OF WAR. 

January 21st, 1793, Louis XVI. died on the scaffold. 
On learning this, Lord Grenville ordered Chauvelin to 
leave London in twenty-four hours, and the kingdom in 
eight days. Thirty-six hours after sending the note which 
contained the order, a courier arrived from France with 
despatches for the French minister. This courier was ar- 
rested at Dover, thrown into prison, and then released, after 
being brutally plundered of his despatches. On learning 
these new outrages, what was done by the republic ? It 
complained, but in a moderate tone, and sent to London 
new representatives, who were instructed to urge peace 



182 FRANCE. 

upon the cabinet of St. James. Certainly it would be diffi- 
cult to exhibit greater magnanimity and more forgetfulness 
of injuries. The new envoys succeeded no better than 
Chauvelin ; nevertheless, the French government, still 
hoping to overcome an obstinacy which they regarded as 
blindness, postponed the subject till February. 

In this interval, Lord Auckland, English ambassador in 
Holland, announced to the French government, through M . 
de Maulde, French minister at the Hague, that there was still 
a hope of preserving peace : it was to leave General Du- 
mouriez to negotiate secretly with England. Dumouriez, 
who, with his treacherous instinct, soon saw what was ex- 
pected of him, endeavored to have himself appointed am- 
bassador to London ; but Pache, Olaviere, and Monge, his 
colleagues in the ministry, refused to authorize this nego- 
tiation, and the royalist general had no other resource to 
please the enemies of France except to abandon the na- 
tional banner on the field of battle. 

Thus, while the cabinet of St. James refused to treat 
honorably with the French ambassadors, it sought to nego- 
tiate through obscure and disgraceful channels ; it used cor- 
ruption, which it was thought would be more profitable than 
open and regular discussion ; and attempted to steal, by the 
aid of its friends in France, what it had rejected when 
offered amicably. 

Pitt's attempt failed. It was then understood in England 
that the time for open rupture had come ; but it was not 
desirable to England to commence officially. In order to 
secure the support of the English nation, whose views were 
still doubtful, it was necessary to appear to be pushed into 
the struggle by their adversaries. Nothing was neglected 
to attain this. The government pretended to be very un- 
easy at London as to the state of the public mind, and they 
continued to insult the French government in a thousand 
different ways. At the very time when France was dis- 
tracted by the intrigues of Pitt, letters were written, almost 



FRANCE. 183 

under his dictation, to influential members of the French 
Convention, and especially to Brissot, that " the declaration 
of war would be the signal for a revolution in England ; 
that all was ready for this." The republican government 
fell into the snare which it could no longer avoid, and war 
was declared by the Convention in the session of February 
2d, 1793. 

It is proved that the English ministers in their hearts 
desired Avar, by the fact that when Louis XVI. was brought 
to the bar of the National Convention, all his defenders on 
the other side of the channel were found in the ranks of the 
opposition in Parliament. While Fox, Sheridan, Grey, and 
the other leaders of the whig party were publicly interested 
in the fate of the fallen monarch, and requested the cabinet 
to interfere in his favor, Pitt and his colleagues obstinately 
refused to make the slightest effort to save the life of the 
royal prisoner. The rupture of the peace was highly sat- 
isfactory to the British. 

Robespierre afterwards accused Brissot and his friends 
of having been in this last case the agents of England, and 
founded his assertion on the fact that France was at that 
moment -without a fleet, and nowise prepared for a contest 
with Great Britain. The truth is, that Brissot was de- 
ceived, and expected to have surprised the English, while 
he was the dupe of Pitt's hypocrisy, who wished the word 
war to be pronounced first by France. 

When the British ministry announced the declaration of 
war to the House of Commons, severe reproaches and en- 
ergetic protests were heard from several of the benches. 
Lord Stanhope said : " This country has never been in 
such imminent danger, and never has a more important 
question been presented. In fact, we are to consider if 
this house will sustain a war prepared by our ministry, and 
in which we are the aggressors, yes, the aggressors. You 
know that the second article of the treaty of 1786 states 
expressly, that, in case of a misunderstanding between the 



184 FRANCE. 

two nations, ' the dismissal of an ambassador should be re- 
garded as a rupture.' Now we have dismissed M. Chau- 
velin in the most disgraceful manner. Here, then, is the 
rupture on our side. I cannot see an aggression without a 
motive, on the part of France. It has, on the contrary, 
been caused by our ministers. They wished for war ; they 
have commenced it, because they have done precisely what 
was necessary to be done — precisely what the treaty had 
provided for." 

Lord Lauderdale reproached the ministers with their un- 
worthy exertions to make the war popular. " One of the 
most powerful means," said he, " are these atrocious libels 
against the French, in which absurdity is attended with 
perfidy. Have you not accused them of poisoning the 
springs, and many other horrid crimes ? Is it not an im- 
pudent lie to tell the people that several Frenchmen have 
been arrested for a base conspiracy which was on the point 
of breaking out 1 Who are the aggressors — those who en- 
tertain a charge, or those who drive him away ignomini- 
ously 1 those who force him to explain, or those who refuse 
to understand ? those who ask to continue a peaceable and 
amicable commerce, or those who forbid the exportation of 
grain to that nation, while it is left free for the whole 
world ?" 

Pitt mendaciously affirmed that he had exhausted all 
possible modes of accommodation. He added : " It has 
been said that we are to undertake a war of extermination, 
a war to the death. Yes, this is the war which is about to 
commence. It is said also that it depended on us to live 
in peace with the French. Prudence commands us to live 
with them as enemies." 

Burke was still more violent. His answer to Fox was 
a paraphrase of a letter which Fox addressed to a member 
of the National Assembly, which states : " If ever a power 
sets foot on the soil of France, they must enter it as they 
would a country of assassins : no regard should be paid to 



185 



the laws which regulate war between civilized nations f 
France has no right to expect it ; war there will simply be 
a military execution. You will be obliged to act similarly ; 
on all sides the furies of hell will be unchained, and will 
riot in blood and carnage." 

The address to the king was adopted. It was a bill of 
indemnity given to the odious conduct of the ministry, and 
a solemn engagement to second actively the royal authority 
in its enterprises against France. 

IV. EFFORTS OF ENGLAND TO FORM A COALITION AGAINST 

FRANCE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES PITT WISHES TO DE- 
FAME THE FRENCH PLAN OF BURNING AND ASSASSINA- 
TION IN THE REPUBLIC. 

The admiralty prepared for the maritime war by sending 
orders to every commander to burn, sink, and destroy eve- 
ty French vessel which was captured. It was worthy of 
those people who, in 1791, had repelled the generous 
proposition made to England by the Constitutional Assem- 
bly to abolish the right of search. 

The political propaganda on the continent became still 
more active. Remonstrances, threats, pressing exhorta- 
tions, promises of subsidies, and the corruption of subaltern 
agents, — everything was put into operation to combine the 
European states, both large and small, in a coalition against 
the republic. 

Obeying the threats of England, Spain, Naples, and Por- 
tugal declared war against the republic. 

March 25th, 1793, Russia concluded an alliance, offen- 
sive and defensive, with Great Britain. It was a great 
victory for the English ministry, who depended very much 
on the concurrence of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. 

Holland had separated from France only in consequence 
of the solicitations of the British cabinet, and of certain 
presents which came very timely to conquer the passive 
15* 



186 FRANCE. 

resistance of the Stadtholder. A bill on England for 
£500,000 converted this prince, whom Pitt afterwards 
counted among his allies, until an opportunity was offered 
to rob him of his colonies. 

All the powers of a lower class, who had not yet joined 
the coalition, were summoned by the British agents to be- 
come parties to it, under pain of losing their rank in Eu- 
rope. Denmark resisted with a noble perseverance, saying 
that she had no cause of animosity against the French. 
Switzerland also opposed the persecutions of Lord Fitz- 
gerald, who could obtain nothing from her, notwithstanding 
his menaces and insults. Genoa likewise was reluctant to 
enter into hostilities against France : the English minister 
threatened to destroy the city, and the principal port of this 
republic became the theatre of the most shameful violations 
of the rights of neutrality. Tuscany was animated by the 
same sentiments ; was twenty times attacked by the thun- 
ders of Britain, and twenty times humiliated by the insolent 
envoy of Pitt. Finally, fatigued by his incessant requests, 
she decided to join her protector, the Emperor of Austria. 

It was a part of the general plan of England, in the sys- 
tem of blockade applied to France, to proscribe every offi- 
cial representative of the republican government in foreign 
countries, and to organize a European band of assassins 
against French citizens generally, and particularly against 
conventions. The diplomatic agents of France were pur- 
sued and persecuted, even in those countries which ob- 
served a strict neutrality. The citizen Bourgoing, minister 
of the republic at Madrid, sent to Portugal to bear a mes- 
sage of peace, was assailed by the people of Lisbon ; and 
having learned that, in accordance with the demand of Lord 
Walpole, the British minister, orders had been given to ar- 
rest him, he was obliged to depart immediately on foot and 
in a disguise, to which he owed his liberty and perhaps his 
life. Citizen Lehoc, the representative of France in the 
free city of Hamburg, was exposed to the same insults and 



FRANCE. 187 

was obliged to quit his residence upon the demand of the 
English agent. The 'arrest of Beurnonville and the four 
deputies delivered up by Dumouriez, occurred at the same 
time with these persecutions, and was extremely agreeable 
to the partisans of Pitt's policy. These representatives 
passed three months in the dungeons of Maestricht, and 
fifteen in the horrid prison of Spielberg in Moravia. Finally, 
about the same time, Austria, who had singularly profited 
by the lessons of England, dared to commit an act hitherto 
unheard of among civilized nations : she caused to be at- 
tacked and robbed two French ministers, citizens Lemon- 
ville and Maret, who were proceeding as ambassadors, one 
to Constantinople, the other to Naples. Both were impris- 
oned for twenty months. In the contest which occurred 
between their escort and the Austrian hussars, the son of 
Lemonville, the wife of Maret, and several domestics, were 
assassinated. The number of precious objects stolen from 
them was immense — at any rate, so says the corrcspondant 
de Hamboarg. England applauded this infamous act. 

This was not enough : the ministers of George III. tried 
to cause a famine. On the 8th of June, 1793, the council 
of his Britannic Majesty decreed that it was lawful to stop 
and confiscate all vessels loaded with grain or flour, and 
which were bound to France. The Swedish and Danish 
vessels were exempt from this to a certain extent ; that is, 
the first time they were overhauled, they were simply to be 
turned from their course towards France, but the second 
time, they were confiscated. Thus England undertook to 
suspend the trade between France and neutral nations.* 

* Pitt ordered the British marine to capture and bring into England all 
neutral vessels, whatever their freight might be. In consequence of this 
system, the allies of Great Britain were exposed to starvation. In the 
early months of 1793, many vessels loaded with grain were sent by a 
house in Lubec to some merchants in Lisbon ; they were stopped in the 
Downs by English cruisers, and carried to the Thames. After two years' 
trial, the British government were compelled to pay for the cargoes and 
other expenses. In 1793-4, the seizures of this nation cost the government 
more than £400,000. The government expended immense sums to force 
the French to seek their supplies of grain in the United States, 



188 FRANCE. 

In the interior of France, the intrigues of the cabinet of 
St. James were equally active. We do not wish to ex- 
aggerate the reports ascribed at this time to the agents of 
Pitt. But the constant accusations of the people did not 
rest on fictions. The proof of a vast conspiracy against an 
entire nation is found in a letter which Barrere read to the 
Convention, July 31, 1793.* This letter was found in the 
portfolio of an Englishman arrested at Lille. The follow- 
ing are extracts from it : — 

11 The plans of Cobourg are certain, if the success of 
war is not with the dogs. Should it be so, the forage must 
be burnt, but not till the last moment, and the lire must oc- 
cur in all the cities on the same day. At any rate, be ready 
with your party from the 16th to the 18th of August. The 
phosphoric matches are sufficient ; a hundred of them may be 
given to each friend without danger, as they only occupy a 
space four inches long and three quarters of an inch round. 
We shall take care to provide each committee with a supply 
of these matches before the time mentioned. Raise exchange 
to two hundred per cent See that Hunter is well paid, 
and assure him, on the part of Milord, that all his losses 
shall be reimbursed to more than double his commission. 
Let Greg — y do the same. Do something occasionally for 
S — p — rs. Discredit the assignats as much as possible, and 
refuse all those not stamped with the name of the king. Raise 
the price of these last. Order your merchants to buy up all 
objects of primary necessity. 

" If you can persuade Cott to buy up tallow and candles 
at any price, make the public pay five francs a pound for 
them. Milord is well satisfied with the course of B. L — z. 
Say to him that his Royal Highness, the Duke,f has regis- 
tered your son and his own for a cornetcy ; their pay has 
already commenced. Let Ch — F — T — r, go occasionally to 

* See li Les Anglais au XlX.e Siecle," attributed to Barrere. 
f Doubtless the Duke of York, one of the generals of the coalition, to 
whom the throne of France was promised. 



FRANCE. 1 89 

Ardes and Dunkirk. / beg you not to spare money. We 
hope the assassinations will be done prudently ; priests in dis- 
guise, and females, are the best persons for this business. Send 
fifty thousand francs to Rouen, and fifty thousand francs to 
Caen. We have received no news since the 17th. What 
is the matter? Send A — , &c. 

'* P. S. Send one hundred and fifty thousand livres to 
Lyons and Grenoble. We regret sincerely the death of L — . 
The pension of his widow, six hundred pounds per annum, 
will be paid punctually to her, and to her son after her 
death ; send them two hundred pounds by the first opportu- 
nity to Bordeaux. Tell the wife of Cobbs, at Bourbour, 
that her husband was promoted on the 1st of May, by Ad- 
miral McBride. Morell will receive one hundred pounds 
sterling monthly. 

" We have forty thousand guineas ready for the committees 
under your charge. 

"Let Chest — r and S — always have plenty of money. 
The vaults of the college are well adapted for the plan of 
F — a." 

This was addressed " To the President of the committee 
of St. Omer, or at Dunkirk." In the same portfolio were 
found memoranda of different sums received and distributed 
to different subordinate agents, marked by initials. Among 
other things was noticed this, under date of May 2. " Re- 
ceived some letters from Dumouriez* 

The plans of incendiarism disclosed in this letter were 
soon realized. On the 7th of August, news came that the 
arsenal of Huningen had been burned ; in the course of a 
month there were fires at Donai, Bayonne, and Lorient. 
During the siege of Valenciennes, the arsenal took fire and 
exploded j treason was suspected, and, as if to prove it, the 
sub-director, Monestier, committed suicide. Severe acci- 
dents happened also in the parks of artillery at Saumur and 

* See the Moniteur of August 3. This letter was translated and filed 
with the committee on public safety. 



190 FRANCE. 

Chemille, in consequence of explosions, the cause of which 
was unknown. 

V. — TOULON. 

Then occurred a solemn act of treason, the development 
of which had a powerful influence on the destinies of 
France. 

The city of Toulon had long been the scene of intrigues 
of the agents of Pitt, and the royalists of Marseilles, and 
opened its gates to the English, August 27, 1793. 

The first act of the English, after taking possession, was 
to proclaim Louis XVII. king of France, and to hoist the 
white flag. But the inhabitants, who imprudently confided 
in their perfidious protectors, soon perceived that the seri- 
ous re-establishment of monarchy, and the defence of the 
place against the republican troops, were not thought of by 
the English. " As soon as the English cabinet were ap- 
prized of the fortunate event which placed the French ma- 
rine in their power, they appointed a commission composed 
of Admiral Hood, Lord Elliot, and General O'Hara ; the 
former was equally capable of conducting an intrigue, or 
commanding a squadron, and sowed dissensions among the 
inhabitants, flattering sometimes the one party, and some- 
times the other." 

Farther, the English commission, for two months, had 
permitted the two feeble detachments of General Cartaux 
and Lapoype to be quietly encamped, one day's march from 
the city, and did not seem at all uneasy at the approach of 
the army sent by the Convention against the rebel city. 
The motive for this apathy was evident ; the English thought 
less of defending the city than of retreating with the rich 
booty which had attracted them there. We will add, that 
Admiral Hood had not neglected the means of terror ; he 
had established a military tribunal to judge the patriots, and 
already more than eight hundred republicans had been em- 



FRANCE. 191 

barked, ignorant of the fate to which they were destined. 
The two representatives of the people, Pierre Bayle and 
Beauvais, remained in the power of the English ; after wit- 
nessing the most bloody outrages, they were shut up in the 
fort of La Malgue, where were the English commissioners 
who were their judges. These wretched beings deliberated 
for a long time on the kind of punishment for the two pris- 
oners. During this discussion, Bayle, who understood 
everything, stabbed himself to escape the horrible death to 
which he was devoted. Beauvais died shortly after his de- 
livery from Toulon, in consequence of the bad treatment he 
experienced while in prison. 

On the 19th of December, 1793, that is, one hundred and 
fourteen days after the treason of Trogoff, the city was re- 
captured by the republicans. Then was consummated that 
execrable act which the English had so long meditated. 
During the night, Sir Sidney Smith, by order of Admiral 
Hood, set on fire the arsenal, magazines of naval stores, 
and a great number of vessels. The victorious army saw 
this from the surrounding heights ; trembling with rage, but 
unable to reach the culpable, they witnessed this conflagra- 
tion ordered by the counsellors of George III. As if in 
contrast with the English, the galley slaves broke their 
chains, and instead of making their escape, aided in check- 
ing the progress of the flames, which threatened the city. 
Of thirty-one vessels of the line, and twenty-five frigates 
which were at Toulon, when the English took possession 
of the city, sixteen ships and five frigates were entirely 
burned, or very much damaged ; three ships and six frigates 
were taken by the English, three frigates by the Sardinians, 
Spaniards, and Neapolitans. 

The following are a few fragments of the report, address- 
ed by Captain Sidney Smith to his superior officer, Admi- 
ral Hood, as to the manner in which the work intrusted to 
him had been performed. 

" My Lord — In accordance with your orders, I repaired 



192 FRANCE. 

to the arsenal of Toulon, and made all the preparations ne- 
cessary to fire the vessels and magazines. The galley- 
slaves, six hundred in number, regarded us with an air evi- 
dently indicating opposition ; they were partly unchained, 
which was unusual ; we were therefore obliged to observe 
great vigilance, and to point the cannon on them, their 
prison, and on all our assailable points. 

" In this position, we awaited with great anxiety the 
moment agreed on by the government to set fire to our 
matches. To Lieutenant Tupper was intrusted the firing 
of the large store-house, and the store-house of pitch, tar, 
tallow, and oil ; this was perfectly successful. The store- 
house of hemp was also enveloped in flames. The calm- 
ness of the ni,ght unfortunately arrested the progress of the 
flames, but two hundred and fifty barrels of tar, well spread 
upon pine wood, soon extended the conflagration with great 
activity in the quarter intrusted to Lieutenant Tupper. 

" The spar-house was also set on fire by Lieutenant 
Middleton. Lieutenant Peters braved the flames with sur- 
prising intrepidity, to complete the work in those places 
where the fire seemed not to be well kindled. The fire 
of our transports was principally directed to those places 
where we had reason to fear the approach of an enemy. 
The shouts of joy and the songs of the republicans, which 
we could hear distinctly, continued until both were drowned 
by the explosion of several thousand kegs of powder on 
board the frigate Iris, which lay in the inner roads, and 
which was imprudently fired by the Spaniards, instead of 
sinking it as they had been ordered to do. The shock 
communicated to the air, and the quantity of burning wood 
which fell around us nearly caused our destruction. 

" I had recommended to the Spanish officers to burn the 
vessels in the basin in front of the city, but they returned 
and acquainted us with the obstacles which prevented them. 
We, however, renewed the attempt together. 

" The explosion of a second vessel of powder, which 



FRANCE. 193 

was also unexpected, and the concussion of which was 
more violent than the first, exposed us to very great danger ; 
and when you think of the immense quantity of wood fall- 
ing around us, it is almost miraculous that no one was in- 
jured. Having fired everything within our reach," and ex- 
hausted our stock of combustibles and our strength to such 
an extent that our men fell down from fatigue, we directed 
our course to the fleet. 

" I should do injustice to the officers did I not acknowl- 
edge how much I am indebted to all of them for the man- 
ner in which they executed an affair so important to the 
nation. The precision with which the fire was kindled at 
my first signal, its progress and duration, are the best proofs 
that every officer and soldier was at his post, and did his 
duty. I therefore add a list of those who were employed 
in this duty. 

" We can assure you that at least ten ships of the line 
were burnt. The loss of a large store-house, of a great 
quantity of pitch, tar, rosin, hemp, wood, cordage, and gun- 
powder, will render it very difficult to fit out the rest of the 
vessels. I regret that we were obliged to leave any of 
them ; but hope that your lordship will be satisfied with 
what we accomplished with our limited means, in a brief 
period, and in the face of a superior force." 

Twelve thousand Toulonese, fearing the just vengeance 
of the conquering patriots, abandoned the city, and went to 
demand an asylum of the combined squadrons who had pro- 
mised to protect them. They were repulsed without pity, 
and the blood of these unfortunates flowed in torrents by 
the hands of their allies. This was the last act of this 
horrible drama ; a letter in the Morning Chronicle, inserted 
in the Moniteur of June 26, 1794, recounts this lamentable 
episode in the following terms : — 

" The citizens ran to the river in crowds ; they demand- 
ed, in the name of honor, the protection promised them by 
the crown of England. Disorders, excesses, and robberies 

17 



194 FRANCR. 

were committed, and after every effort was made to carry 
thousands of them on board of the vessels, still thousands 
were abandoned to the vengeance of their countrymen. 
Many of them threw themselves into the sea, and vainly 
attempted to reach the vessels by swimming ; some killed 
themselves on the bank to avoid falling into the hands of 
the republican army. 

11 The flames of the burning vessels, however, extended 
in every direction; every moment an explosion was threat- 
ened, and finally their remains were blown up. This is 
only a slight sketch of the scene on the bank. That which 
occurred on board of the fleet was still more terrible. It 
was crowded with men of all nations, a heterogeneous mix- 
ture of old men, children, women, patients from the hospi- 
tals, soldiers mutilated at the different posts which had been 
attacked, and whose wounds were yet bleeding,; nothing 
could equal the horrors of the scene, except the cries of 
despair from husbands, fathers, and children, who were 
left on the bank, and whose tones became more and more 
mournful as our vessels departed. 

<: To add to the misfortune, this multitude of human crea- 
tures, who were stowed pell-mell on board the vessels, and 
part of whom were mutilated, were almost destitute of pro- 
visions, and had at least very little which they could use. 

" Many of the inhabitants perished ; others fell into the 
power of the French, after being abandoned by the English 
fleet."* 

The English vessels weighed anchor, carrying away 
some hundred fugitives who obtained permission to enter 
the army or navy of Great Britain ; but some months after- 
wards, Pitt signed an order to dismiss all the French who 
had entered the army or navy. In vain did the French 
protest that they had no means of subsistence, that they 
could not return to France, having excited against them the 

* The memoirs of Fonvielle and Imbert, the principal negotiators in the 
treason, contain also curious details in regard to this act of barbarity. 



FRANCE. 195 

indignation of their fellow-citizens, being led away by the 
promises and solemn assurances of Admiral Hood ; in vain 
did they supplicate and present certificates of good behavior 
from the English officers ; the minister was inexorable. 
The victims of this cowardly treachery then determined 
to invoke assistance from those to whose resentment they 
were legitimately entitled ; they addressed the French 
commissary residing in England, requesting to be recogni- 
sed as prisoners, and thus threw themselves on the clemen- 
cy of the republican government.* It was a bloody lesson 
given to the ministers of King George, but it was not un- 
derstood. England had expended one million four hundred 
thousand pounds, or thirty-five millions of francs for this 
glorious expedition, which began with treason, and ended 
in massacre. The treasures which this power has poured 
forth to annihilate France and the French are almost incal- 
culable. 

VI. MEANS OF CORRUPTION USED BY PITTAS AGENTS. 

At this period, whenever the English thought there was 
a serious obstacle to be overcome, they used corruption to 
a marvellous extent. Their attempts, however, sometimes 
failed. We will cite an instance of this. Colonel Withlock 
was besieging Port au Prince, in the isle of St. Domingo, 
which was defended by General Lavaux. On the 9th of 
February, 1794, the French commander received a letter 
from Colonel Withlock, promising him high rank under the 
new administration, and a present of five thousand crowns, 
if he would surrender the place to the British troops. 
Shocked at so much ignominy and insolence, the republi- 
can general replied — ■ 

" Sir : Permit me to complain of your gross insult, by 
supposing me so vile and base as not to be offended at your 
offer. In this you are mistaken : I have been thought hith- 
* Les Anglais au XIX. « Siecle — Crimes des Cabinets, par Goldsmith. 



196 FRANCE. 

erto worthy to command my troops ; you have wished to 
dishonor me in the eyes of my comrades ; this is a personal 
offence, for which I demand satisfaction of you. I demand 
it in the name of that honor which ought to exist among 
all nations. With this view, therefore, before a general 
action takes place, I challenge you to single combat, leav- 
ing you the choice of weapons, and to fight either on foot 
or on horseback. Your position as an enemy does not give 
you the right of inflicting on me, in the name of your na- 
tion, a personal injury. I demand satisfaction for your 
private insult." 

We need hardly add that the brave colonel refused the 
general's cartel, who, however, foiled all the efforts made by 
the British troops to take the place which he commanded. 

VII. SUBSIDIES GRANTED TO PRUSSIA TO MAINTAIN THE 

COALITION. 

In the beginning of 1794, the English were fearful of 
being deserted by the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin. The 
Germanic powers, dissatisfied with the parsimony of the 
British government in granting the promised subsidies, 
were inclined to leave Great Britain to herself. " No sil- 
ver, no Prussia," nobly exclaimed King William ; and on 
the 13th of March he issued a manifesto, in which he 
stated that he had done all in his power against a bold 
enemy, but that, having been badly supported, he should 
withdraw from the coalition. The Austrians uttered the 
same threats. The English cabinet became alarmed. But 
a mode was soon found to check this desertion. Negotia- 
tions were conducted with so much diligence, that on the 
16th of April a treaty was signed at the Hague, by which 
England and Holland engaged to pay a corps of sixty-two 
thousand four hundred Prussians. For this object England 
paid £1,200,000 annually, and Holland £400,000. The 



FRAN* ... 197 

King of Prussia was also assured that he would be at lib- 
erty to pursue his usurpations in Poland. 

VIII. — ASSASSINATION OF THE BARON OF GOETZ AUSTRIA 

AGAIN JOINS THE COALITION. 

The campaign of 1795 opened in a most disastrous man- 
ner for the coalition. The Austro-Prussian armies were 
annihilated or dispersed ; the Anglo-Hanoverians were de- 
feated by the victorious troops of the republicans ; Holland 
was conquered ; Madrid was threatened by the French ; 
and most of the German states on the Rhine had submitted 
to the republic. It would have been easy for the triumphal 
armies of France to take Hanover, the duchy of Bruns- 
wick, Saxony, and to march on Berlin. Notwithstanding, 
however, all the advantages of position, France made peace 
with Spain and Prussia, who begged for it. She showed 
herself particularly generous and disinterested towards the 
former power, and only demanded, for the expenses of a 
war caused by the court of .Madrid, that part of St. Domingo 
possessed by the Spaniards. 

During the negotiations with Prussia, a tragical event 
excited the attention of the diplomatic world. Baron 
Goetz, the official negotiator, died suddenly at Basle ; and 
the physicians, having made an autopsy, declared that he 
was poisoned. It was ascertained also that the portfolio 
containing his papers was stolen. Now these papers re- 
vealed to the cabinet of St. James the intention of Austria 
to leave the coalition. j£4, 500,000, which was sent to 
Vienna by the British ministry, changed the determination 
of the emperor, and England turned the crime to good 
account. 

Peace was also granted to Sardinia, which Bonaparte 
could have crushed. 

In the mean time, Spain declared war against Great 
Britain. We only mention this fact, to state the reasons 
17* 



198 FRANCE. 

for this determination on the part of the court of Madrid. 
We read, in the declaration, that England manifested bad 
faith during the whole of the preceding war, and that, at 
Toulon, Admiral Hood had destroyed all the vessels which 
he could not carry away with him. Hence the character 
of English policy was understood in other places besides 
Paris. 

IX. — LA VENDEE QUIBERON. 

La Vendee was the principal theatre for the operations 
of England against the new government. Pitt knew that 
the deepest injury to inflict on France w r as to foment a civil 
war in the heart of the empire. 

The war of Vendee commenced with the treason of 
Dumouriez in March, 1793, at the time when Galbaud, an 
officer in the army, left for St. Domingo, where he went as 
a British agent. As soon as the English cabinet knew 
that the royalists of France had taken up arms, it gave a 
new energy to the propaganda in the departments of the 
West. Lord Fitzgerald, English minister to Switzerland, 
kept up an active correspondence with his numerous emis- 
saries at Paris and in the western cities. In June, 1793, 
a spy in his employ went to Chatillon, assembled the supe- 
rior council of the chiefs of Vendee, and solemnly promised 
them men and money. Shortly afterwards, at the time of 
the expedition to Toulon, Mr. Elliot published in this port, 
which had become a British city, a proclamation, dictated 
by the cabinet of St. James, and destined to be circulated 
extensively in all the insurgent departments. Every day 
revealed new proofs of the relations between the rebels and 
the British.* But the most immoral act of this war was the 

* Boursault, a representative near the armies of Brest and Cherbourg, 
wrote to the National Convention : " I would inform the Convention that 
the character of an ambassador has been violated in the persons of some 
galley-slaves escaped from Brest, and some refractory priests who went 
to England some eight months since, and fifteen days ago were thrown on 



FRANCE. 199 

manufacture of counterfeit assignats, with which the Eng- 
lish deluged every country afflicted with civil war. The 
proof of this fact is found in the public debates of the 
House of Commons, and in the annals of the courts of jus- 
tice. In the parliamentary session of March 11th, 1794, 
Sheridan spoke in these terms : " There is in England a 
mill employed in making paper for the manufacture of forged 
French assignats.' 1 ' 1 Mr. Ruyler confirmed Sheridan's as- 
sertion. On the 18th of November, 1795, a person named 
Lukin accused before the English tribunals an engraver 
who had endorsed a note for him. It was proved that this 
Lukin applied to the engraver to make a plate of false 
French assignats ; that at first the artist had refused to do 
an act so contrary to the rights of man and public morals, 
but that Lukin having stated that these assignats were in- 
tended for the army of the Duke of York, by express order 
of the ministry, he had engraved the plate. Lord Kenyon, 
president of the royal court, stated, in his charge, that 
doubtless there were laws to be observed by nations, even 
during war, such as not to use poisoned weapons ; but that 
the counterfeiting of assignats was not contrary to these 
laws. (Moniteur, May 12, 1795.) Finally, after the 9th 
Thermidor, when La Vendee submitted voluntarily, the 
leaders of the Chouans forwarded to the Convention a pack- 
age containing a million of forged assignats. which had 
been sent to them by the English cabinet. 

The republic revenged itself in the following manner : 
An English refugee in France proposed to the government 
to counterfeit the notes of the bank of England. The com- 
mittee of public safety arrested him and put him in prison, 
where he remained nearly two years. 

our shores. They came from the court of London, to arrange certain 
assassinations, by which the diplomacy of Pitt hoped to counterbalance 
our victories in the north and centre. Some of these men, and especially 
the priest Maignan, have been three days in my power. They were ex- 
amined by the committee, and their funds consist of 6,259 francs in money, 
25,497 francs in royal assignats, and 106 marks 3 gros from the vessel of 
the brigand Puisaye." 



200 FRANCE. 

The amnesty, however, signed at La Saunaie on the 
17th of February, 1795, had been violated by the Chouans. 
The English cabinet, encouraged by the divisions of the 
republic, then resolved to make a decisive effort to ruin the 
new order of things. April 1st, 1794, Pitt declared in 
Parliament that the government proposed to subsidize a 
body of French emigrants. The House of Commons 
passed the bill, although it was fiercely opposed. The 
minister soon ordered four regiments of emigrants to be 
formed, embracing about seven thousand men. These 
troops were sent to the Isle of Jersey, near the coast of 
France. 

An immense expedition was now litted out in Britain, and 
at an enormous cost. Besides the body of emigrants to 
whom we have alluded, the agents of Pitt employed every 
means of seduction and intimidation to induce the French 
prisoners to enlist under the royal banner. Emigrant priests 
went to the hulks at Portsmouth and Plymouth, to gain over 
the French soldiers and marines, who were enfeebled by a 
long and cruel captivity. These missionaries of treason 
were unheeded ; the rations of the prisoners were then 
diminished : a little bread and brackish water was the only 
nourishment of these unfortunates ; and then the royalist 
officers told them that if they persisted in their refusal, they 
should be carried into the colonies and condemned to sla- 
very.* This succeeded ; the prisoners, conquered by hun- 
ger and torture — having before them the certainty of a 
frightful death on one side, and on the other the chance of 
escaping their persecutors as soon as they touched the soil 
of France — consented to enlist in the expedition. By 
means of these extraordinary recruits, ten regiments were 
formed, constituting an effective force of ten thousand men. 

* See " Crimes des Cabinets," p. 123 ; " Les Anglais au XlX.e Siecle," 
p. 340 ; " Les Vietoires et ConquStes," vol. iv. But the best authority on 
this point is the narrative of the prisoners who left the ranks of the emi- 
grants as soon as they landed, and told the chiefs of the republican armies 
the violence to which they were exposed before joining the English. 



FRANCE. 201 

A second division, of three or four thousand, was to be 
composed of regiments levied in Germany, in 1794, on ac- 
count of England. The cabinet of St. James promised the 
leaders of the expedition, that, on reaching the shores of 
France, they should be reinforced with ten thousand 
English. 

It is known that the disembarkation took place on the 
peninsula of Quiberon. The emigrants established them- 
selves at the extremity of the peninsula, and in Fort Pen- 
thievre, situated at the point where the strip of land joins 
the continent by a narrow neck. They counted vainly on 
the ten thousand English auxiliaries whom Pitt had said 
would join them. Dependant on their own forces, they 
awaited with firmness the republican army, who had time, 
in consequence of the useless delay for the English, to 
rally opposite the peninsula. On the 20th of July, the 
patriots, commanded in chief by Hoche and by Humbert, 
Menage, Botta, and Valletaux, attacked the fort. The rout 
of the royalists now became general. Driven to the end 
of the peninsula, the unhappy individuals were fired on by 
the cannons of the English vessels, and both the refugees 
and the republicans were slaughtered indiscriminately. 
The worthy executors of Pitt's wishes were animated by 
a ferocious joy at the sight of this bloody melee, in which 
the French contended furiously with each other, and fired 
without distinction upon their friends and enemies. It was 
a sight more horrid, perhaps, than that of the evacuation 
of Toulon. A dense crowd, covered with dirt and blood, 
stood upon the brink of the sea, extending their suppliant 
hands to the English, who answered them with cannon ; 
women and children, and feeble old men, who had come 
into the camp of the royalists, uttered the most piercing 
lamentations, and cursed with all the energy of despair the 
allies who had betrayed them ; some of the strongest men 
attempted to swim to the English vessels, but when they 
came alongside of the transports and attempted to get on 



202 FRANCE. 

board of them, their hands were chopped off by the sabres 
of their pretended allies ; others retreated into the water, to 
escape the bayonets of the patriots, but soon disappeared, 
struck down by the bullets of their loyal protectors. This 
piteous scene continued for more than an hour. The re- 
publicans were more humane than the English ; when the 
latter retired, the royalists received quarter and were pro- 
tected from insult. 

It is said that the object of this massacre was to destroy 
the remnant of the French marine, the best officers of 
which were in the expedition.* It is more natural to be- 
lieve that the royalists were slaughtered by their perfidious 
allies simply because they were Frenchmen. Be this as 
it may, the fact is indisputable, and has been admitted by 
all historians. 

Among the objects captured in the camp of the emigrants 
was an enormous bundle of forged assignats. 

A few noble souls in Parliament censured the conduct 
of Pitt and his ministers for the expedition of Quiberon. 
The infamous premier dared to defend himself, saying, 
" At any rate, the blood of England was not shed." — " No," 
answered Sheridan, extremely indignant, " certainly not ; 
but the honor of England flowed from every pore !" Pitt, 
however, was not discouraged. He organized another ex- 
pedition, similar to that which had terminated so disgrace- 
fully. On the 29ih of September, 1795, a British fleet, 
having on board English and emigrants, anchored before 
He Dieu ; but this second attempt was a ridiculous failure, 
from the cowardice of the Count d'Artois, who did not dare 
to land on the continent to join Charrette, who had waited 
for him a long time. 

From this time, the cabinet of St. James renounced 
great expeditions to the coast of France. It contented it- 
self with sending occasionally to Brittany arms and ammu- 

* In fact, Tallien says in his report, that more than six hundred swords, 
having on their guards an anchor, map, aud three fleurs de lis, were found 
on the field of battle. (Moniteur. August 2, 1795.) 



FRANCE. 203 

nition, some lost children of emigrants, and counterfeit 
money * . 

X. THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT CONTINUES TO DEFAME 

FRANCE IT ORGANIZES CONSPIRACIES AMONG THE ROY- 
ALISTS AFFAIRS OF BROTIER AND 18 e FRUCTIDOR. 

Prussia and some other German states were at peace 
with France, who, by her victories, had frustrated all the 
attempts of England to annihilate the republic by the sword. 
But Pitt knew a surer mode of weakening an enemy so 
difficult to defeat in the battle-field : this was, to starve the 
French. The plan had been formed at the beginning of 
the war ; it was again brought forward with extraordinary 
activity and ardor ; so much so, that while France was 
everywhere triumphant, she was struggling with the misery 
of famine. To add to her distress, the harvest failed, and 
the little which had been produced was consumed by the 
armies. Alarm and suffering then became general, and 
caused much rejoicing at London. f 

* Moniteur of March 13, 179G : letter from the commander of the ar- 
mies on the Loire and Indre, announcing that Stoflet had received a large 
sum in counterfeit louis from England. 

This taste for counterfeit money existed in England throughout the 
whole revolution. Thus the Moniteur of the 28th Pluviose, an 1, informs 
us that the British government caused counterfeit money of Hamburg and 
Holstein to be struck at Birmingham. Three of its agents, who were 
sent on the continent to distribute it, were arrested at Hamburg. In the 
Moniteur of the 17th Thermidor of the same year, we read, under the head 
of Berlin : " Not only have there been made in England counterfeit Prus- 
sian groschen, whole cases of which have been imported at Hamburg and 
Leipsic as buttons, but commerce has lately introduced counterfeits of 
gold Fredericks ; the counterfeit is, however, lighter than the true coin, and 
instead of Preimen, we find Prussen in the legend." 

Query : Did not England also introduce into the United States, and dur- 
ing the war of the American Revolution, a large amount of counterfeit 
continental money ? 

f Among the auxiliaries, famine was not the most odious employed by 
the British at tins period. In Jamaica, they let loose their dogs upon the 
revolted negroes ; and yet at this time they advocated emancipation of the 
slaves. 

In the session of Parliament in March, 1796, Sheridan, speaking about 



204 FRANCE. 

The new intrigues of England were favored by the 
weakness of the Directory, and the anarchy which deso- 
lated the republic since the 9th Thermidor. They organized 
a conspiracy, tending to restore the Bourbons ; but the plot 
was discovered on the 13th of January, 1797. The Abbe 
Brotier, Duverne-Dupresle, La Villeheurnois, and Poly, 
worthy instruments of the royalist faction, were secretly 
aided by the cabinet of St, James. Among other documents 
which prove that this cabinet was the soul of the conspi- 
racy, the two declarations of the accused Duverne-Du- 
presle are sufficiently explicit. 

In the first, Duverne says, that the plan of the conspira- 
cy was approved of by the French princes, and by the 
English minister. The following was the plan ; France 
was to be divided into two agencies, both of which were 
to keep up an active correspondence with the king and the 
agents of the British government. It was agreed between 
the royalists, that no regard should be paid to instructions 
from London, which would tend to facilitate the capture of 
any of their maritime ports by the English troops, and gen- 
erally to none that would be of utility to them, the king 
and his council having always thought that the services of 
the English were perfidious services, which tended to the 
entire ruin of France. 

" To prepare and develop our plan," adds Duverne-Du- 
presle, "funds are necessary, and England alone can supnly 
them:' Wickham, the English agent in Switzerland, was 
the banker of the conspiracy. The money which he gave 
to his friends in Paris served not only to pay necessary 
travelling expenses, military equipments, and other unavoid- 
able expenses, but also to organize a band of corrupt agents 
and to prepare for the elections of the year. 

Duverne also declared that the English had such a good 
understanding in the public offices that they had procured 
imposing a tax on dogs, said : " At least, you ought to exempt the dogs 
of Jamaica from taxation ; it would be ungrateful to tax allies who have 
fought for the English in America." 



FRANCE. 205 

the French plan for the invasion of Ireland. Finally, all 
the details of the plot, and even the names of Pitt's agents 
in this odious affair, were revealed by the accused, and pub- 
lished in the Moniteur. Farther, the cabinet at London 
did not deny the fact. 

The 4th of September, 1797, proved, some months after- 
wards, that the English ministry paid by the hand of the 
same Wickham for the desertion of Pichegru. The latter 
was condemned, as it is known, to transportation, but es- 
caped from Guiana, and took refuge in England, where the 
British government allowed him a pension. 

XL ASSASSINATION OF THE FRENCH PLENIPOTENTIARIES 

AT RASTADT VIOLATION OF THE CONVENTION OF d'eL- 

ARICH ASSASSINATION OF KLEBER SECOND COALITION 

FORMED BY ENGLAND. 

The treaty of Campo-Formio had re-established peace 
between France and Austria, but the unsatisfactory result 
of the Congress of Rastadt indicated another rupture. The 
Directory unexpectedly received intelligence that the French 
Plenipotentiaries, Debry, Bonnier, and Robergeot, were as- 
sassinated on leaving Rastadt, the 28th and 29th of April, 
1799. This bloody violation of the rights of nations, this 
crime unparalleled in the history of modern civilization, 
ought to be, and was in fact, imputed to the cabinet at Vi- 
enna. But was not English policy more or less indirectly 
interested in it ? It was remarked that Burckard, com- 
mander of the Austrian huzzars, who assassinated the 
French minister, was a creature of the minister Thugut, 
who was entirely devoted to the cabinet of St. James. 
That was only one reason for suspecting that the English 
were privy to this murder ; but the joy of Pitt's partisans 
on the news of this catastrophe proves, that if the English 
minister did not direct the arm of the murderers, the desire 
and the thought of the crime certainly existed. Every 

18 



206 FRANCE. 

newspaper in the pay of the government attempted to justify 
the treachery at Rastadt. One of them declared that a re- 
publican was an execrable animal whom it was no crime 
to kill. Another paper, in speaking of this massacre, re- 
marked, " The Frenchhave lost two men who are less to be re- 
gretted than if two soldiers had died." A third mentions this 
tragic event in the following words : " The plenipotentiaries 
were met by a patrol, who demanded their passports ; the 
travellers insolently refused to show them, and excited the 
militafy to such a degree, that they were obliged to strike 
them. Two were killed, but the greatest villain escaped." 
Did not this public approbation of so odious a circumstance 
imply a moral if not an active agency in the affair ? 

While Europe was occupied by the agitation caused by 
the crime of the 28th of April, and the proposal made by 
the Directory to the council of five hundred, to declare war 
against Austria, the renown of the army in Egypt under 
Bonaparte, and its victories, spread throughout the East. 
The conqueror of the pyramids learned the reverses of the 
republican armies in Europe, left Egypt, and returned to 
France. Kleber, who had become general-in-chief of the 
expedition, concluded a convention at El-arich with Sir 
Sidney Smith, stipulating that Egypt should be evacuated 
by the French troops, and should be allowed to return freely 
to their own country.* 

The French executed faithfully the article of capitulation 

relative to their retreat j they had delivered up the forts and 

* After signing the treaty, General Desaix sailed for France, with his 
regular passports, signed by the agents of the powers who had taken part 
in the convention. At some distance from Alexandria, he was overhauled 
by an English cruiser, and sent by Admiral Keith prisoner to Leghorn, 
where he was confined in the common lazaretto. He protested against 
this, and demanded explanations, but with no effect. He wrote to the Eng- 
lish admiral, demanding pens, ink, and paper, and that he should be treat- 
ed in a manner suitable to his rank. Lord Keith replied : " Sir, I am sur- 
prised that you should ask to be treated better than your countrymen, for 
in France you are under the reign of equality. In your situation, you can 
appreciate practically the advantages of that equality which you have 
hitherto known only in theory." 



FRANCE. 207 

principal armed positions, when Kleber received from Ad- 
miral Keith the following letter, dated on board the Queen 
Charlotte : — 

"January l$th, 1800. 
" Sir, — I inform you that I have received positive orders 
not to consent to any capitulation with the French army 
under your command in Egypt and Syria, unless they lay 
down their arms, surrender as prisoners of war, and give 
up all the vessels and munitions of war, and the port and 
city of Alexandria to the allied powers ; that in case of ca- 
pitulation, I shall permit no soldiers to return to France 
until regularly exchanged. I also think it necessary to in- 
form you that all vessels having French troops on board, 
and sailing from this country with passports signed by any 
person except those who have the right to grant them, will 
be forced, by the officers of the vessels under my command, 
to return to Alexandria ; finally, that the vessels which 
shall be met returning to Europe with passports granted in 
consequence of a special capitulation with one of the allied 
powers, will be considered as prizes, and all the individu- 
als on board of them as prisoners of war." 

The memorable battle of Heliopolis was the answer of 
Kleber to the provoking insolence of the English. 

The ministers of Great Britain pretended in parliament 
that Sir Sidney Smith had no power to form a treaty. This, 
however, was a flagrant falsehood. But it was necessary 
to find a pretext, and the British ministers found it extreme- 
ly convenient to deny the character of their official agent. 
They wished to crush the French army, which had neither 
forts nor military positions, which had surrendered to the 
Turks the wells of the desert, and had dismantled the cita 
del of Cairo. They wished also to have an excuse for dis* 
embarking and taking possession of the country, which they 
might keep as long as they chose ; this was accomplished, 
and the ministers of London, having attained their end, 
were but little disturbed by the reproaches of France, and 



208 FRANCE. 

the opposition in parliament, in regard to this outrageous 
contempt of the faith of nations. 

The assassination of Kleber was a consequence of this 
act of perfidious policy. The English had roused the fanat- 
icism of the Mussulmen, and had excited them to assassi- 
nation. They were listened to, and the blood of the hero 
of Heliopolis was shed by the knife of a Seid, who had 
perhaps found other sources of excitement than the senten- 
ces of a Koran. 

After the death of Kleber, Egypt was surrendered to the 
English army. By the capitulation of Alexandria, conclu- 
ded September 27th, 1801, France renounced her claims 
to the land of the Pharaohs. We have now to mention a 
new act of infamy ; the capitulation stipulated that the 
French army should be transported to France with its arms 
and scientific treasures. The English observed the first 
claim, but violated the second, and seized the scientific col- 
lections which the institute had formed in Egypt at so much 
risk, labor, and danger. 

The enemies of France did not wait for the result of the 
affair in Egypt to organize a new crusade in Europe against 
her. Since her defeat at Aboukir, Russia and the Otto- 
man Porte had yielded to the solicitations of the cabinet at 
St. James, and had united with the coalition formed in Italy 
and Germany. It is useless to add that Great Britain paid 
the expense of the second conspiracy of crowned heads 
against the republic. This time, however, the English 
minister made Russia wait ; the latter had presented an 
account for two millions sterling ; the English cabinet de- 
clared that they would pay the money when the merchan- 
dise was forwarded. The emperor saw that he was doubt- 
ed j he hastened to march an army upon Italy, and parlia- 
ment voted him a subsidy of one million one hundred thou- 
sand oounds. 



FRANCE. 209 

XII. CONSULATE ENGLAND REFUSES PEACE ENGLISH 

CONSPIRACY INFERNAL MACHINE PEACE OF AMIENS 

VIOLATION OF THE TREATY BY ENGLAND. 

When Bonaparte was appointed first consul of the repub- 
lic, he sent a message to the King of England, to terminate 
the war, which, for eight years, had desolated the civilized 
world. What was the answer of the British cabinet ? 
War ! The victory of Marengo was the chastisement in- 
flicted by Napoleon upon its pride and effrontery. Nego- 
tiations were then commenced between the republic and 
Austria ; but England would not consent to a partial peace, 
and interfered to prevent its conclusion. In the mean time 
an event occurred, which showed why the English cabinet 
had refused peace, and why they continued to urge the 
restoration of the Bourbons. A royalist conspiracy, organ- 
ized and subsidized by it, was discovered at Paris, in the 
year IX. The conspirators obtained information in the of- 
fices of Fouche, and that of the treasury, as to the best mode 
of stealing the public money upon the highway. Brest was 
to have been delivered to the English by means of an attack 
of Chouans, combined with a disembarkation from a hostile 
fleet. The principal aim of the royalists was the assassi- 
nation of the first consul. Numerous papers found on Du- 
perron, who was arrested on his arrival from London, ex- 
posed all these operations. 

December 24, 1800, the explosion of the infernal machine 
taught the French government that the conspirators were 
not discouraged. The plot had been formed in England ; 
George Cadoudal and his attendants had departed from 
London ; it was at London that George took refuge to re- 
ceive the red riband, and the compliments of the ministers 
of his Britannic Majesty.* Beaten out of France, England 

* The attempt of the Rue St. Nicaise was publicly approved of by the 
English*; the Porcupine remarked, " There is pardon in heaven for those 
who rid thp world of a monster." 

18* 



210 FRANCE. 

could not give up the idea of triumphing in the republic by 
civil war and assassination. 

The conferences of Luneville, however, were interrupted, 
and, thanks to the intrigues of English diplomacy, war was 
re-commenced in Germany and Italy. The victory of Ho- 
henlinden, gained by Moreau, ended the evil intentions 
of the powers of the coalition, and humiliated them. 
Pitt had enough to do ; Austria, Spain, Naples, Bavaria, 
Portugal, Russia, and the Ottoman Porte, demanded peace, 
and signed the treaty. During the negotiations for the treaties 
concluded with all these powers, England had violated the 
convention of El-Arich, as we have already stated in the 
preceding chapter, attacked Copenhagen, and attempted 
twice, but vainly, to burn the French flotilla at Boulogne. 
The cabinet of .Si. James constantly excited the British to 
the most revolting excesses. As much was said in the 
British journals about the French invasion, the Times de- 
clared that M. Otto, the French plenipotentiary, had better 
leave England, because, in case of an invasion, he might 
become the victim of popular vengeance ; this indirect hint 
at the assassination of the French representative, was fol- 
lowed by other advice no less atrocious ; the ministerial 
paper stated, that as the great number of French prisoners 
might annoy the government, it would be better to get rid 
of them. 

Finally, the British government, pushed to the utmost, 
and abandoned by its allies, was obliged to make peace ; 
but it was the last to sign the treaty. 

The treaty of Amiens was the signal of the fall of that 
minister, who had lived only by war, and had inscribed the 
annihilation of France at the head of his political pro- 
gramme. In fact, the Pitt cabinet fell, but its doctrines 
were piously followed by its successors. 

No sooner was the peace re-established, than England 
did all she could to break it again. Disgusting pamphlets 



FRANCE. 211 

and calumnious articles were constantly published in the 
journals against the French nation. 

The English ministry granted its protection to dangerous 
men, who were pointed out by the French government ; 
some of these individuals assembled at Jersey, and the 
cabinet of St. James did not attempt to disperse them, al- 
though it was informed that their seditious writings, their 
infernal machines, and plans of conspiracy were continually 
passing from this island into France. 

Finally, England, as we have already seen, kept posses- 
sion of Malta, in contempt of the formal stipulations of the 
treaty of the 25th March. It also detained the French 
vessels in peace, and considered their citizens as prisoners. 

Preparations for the invasion of England, made at Bou- 
logne and along the line of coast, were the answer of the 
French government to the aggressions of the British cabi- 
net. Pitt then regained his power : England being now 
about to commence a new career of crime, this statesman 
was necessary to carry out the plans formed. 

The conspiracy of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, was 
a new proof of the incessant machinations of the British 
government against the first consul and French institutions. 
For some time, the English talked freely about the speedy 
death of Bonaparte. The London Courier, a journal pub- 
lished in French, inserted in its columns the translation of 
a pamphlet composed at the end of the protectorate, and 
having for its title — " To kill is not to assassi7iate." On 
the 30th of January, a bill was posted up in the streets of 
London, beginning with these words : " As the assassina- 
tion of Bonaparte andthe restoration of Louis XVIII, will 
soon occur, most of the French will return to their country." 
Some time after, Georges and his companions were carried 
to France by an English vessel, to attempt to accomplish 
these villanous designs. At the same time, battalions of 
emigrants went from England to the right bank of the 



212 FRANCE. 

Rhine, with a mission to second the movements of the 
royalists in the west of France.* 

British diplomacy combined its efforts with those of the 
conspirators. Drake, the English minister to the court of 
Bavaria, paid and directed its agents in the interior of 
France to organize there revolution, assassination, a war 
of brigands, the murder of the first consul, and the overturn 
of the government. In the ten original letters of this 
diplomatist which were seized by the French police, this 
phrase among others was remarked in regard to the assas- 
sination of Bonaparte : " It is of little importance by whom 
the animal is earthed ; it is sufficient that you will be ready 
to join in the chase." Spencer Smith, another English 
minister at the court of Wirtemberg, rendered powerful aid 
to the infamous Drake in his criminal designs. This pros- 
titution of the sacred character of ambassador appeared so 
monstrous, that all the governments of Europe, without 
exception, protested with energy against such acts. The 
cabinet of London, after denying the facts in Parliament, 
had the impudence to approve the conduct of Drake and 
Smith, in a communication addressed officially to the first 
consul. 

XIII. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE EMPIRE TO THE 

PRESENT PERIOD. 

We shall devote but a few lines to the villany of Eng- 
land in the period between 1804 and the present; not 
because there is a want of materials, but because we wish 
to avoid tedious repetitions. First, we would call attention 
to the pacific propositions made by Napoleon to the King 
of England after he was declared Emperor, and the brutal 
refusal of the British government to enter into negotiations 
with him. Even the letter of the emperor remained unan- 
swered. 

* See Mem. of Thibaudeau. Walter Scott, in his Life of Napoleon, 
admits all these facts. This authority is not suspected 



FRANCE. 213 

4 

In 1805, a new coalition was formed and concluded by 
the cabinet of St. James, which Napoleon called the pay- 
master general of the enemies of France. In 1806, the 
emperor proclaimed the continental blockade. These just 
reprisals of France for the injuries she had sustained from 
England from the commencement of the revolution, was 
the surest mode of intimidating the culpable policy of her 
neighbors. William Pitt died the same year. Fox, who 
now came into power, seemed disposed to continue his 
policy. The former leader of the liberal opposition, and 
the zealous friend of the French Revolution, now excited 
the powers of Europe to new aggressions against France. 
His designs, however, were not yet marked with sufficient 
clearness for the northern cabinets to trust to his promises ; 
but he died, and the succession of a tory ministry com- 
pletely restored all the hopes of the enemies of France. 
The flames of war were again rekindled ; and the British 
treasury, which seemed inexhaustible, furnished funds for 
the armies, and the devotion of the sovereigns of the 
coalition. 

The bombardment of Copenhagen, in 1807, excited in 
Europe an indignation which affected even the allies of 
Great Britain. 

Two facts, which were extremely discreditable to the 
English government, ought to be mentioned here : they 
occurred in 1810. Napoleon had proposed to exchange 
the English and Spanish prisoners, who were detained in 
France, for the French prisoners and subjects of the allied 
powers, who were in England. The cabinet of London 
refused, saying that they could not accept Spaniards in 
exchange for French ; and yet Spain was at that time the 
ally of England-! Some time afterwards, the English dis- 
embarked on the coast of France three thousand invalid 
soldiers, Hanoverians, Westphalians, Prussians, Swiss, and 
Poles, who were worn out in their service. Expecting 
to derive no more benefit from this remnant of the royal 



214 FRANCE. 

armies, the British government did not hesitate to land them 
at hap-hazard on the continent, giving each of them, to 
meet the expenses of their journey, only the sum of thirty- 
six francs. The emperor, however, supplied them with the 
means of living, and passports to regain their families. 

In 1812, we find the politicians of England using their 
means of corruption to cement an alliance between Russia 
and the Ottoman Porte. It is well known how injurious 
this influence became to France. 

Finally, in order to crown in a proper manner the long 
series of its crimes during the period of the revolution and 
the empire, England in 1815 sent the vanquished hero of 
Waterloo, who had confided his destiny to the hands of his 
enemies, to die under the homicidal sun of St. Helena ! 
From that time, Castlereagh had no cause to envy the son 
of Chatham. 

Great Britain had expended more than twenty hundreds 
of millions of pounds to excite an unjust and bloody war 
against France. But she had attained her end. Prance 
was humbled, exhausted, and oppressed by shameful trea- 
ties ; her natural energy was trodden under the feet of the 
Bourbons ; her richesl colonies were annexed to the Ihitish 
crown ; her frontier towns were dismantled or razed ; her 
fleets and her commerce destroyed j her armies annihilated ; 
her resources exhausted for a long time : such were the 
fruits of her efforts for twenty-fire years. From that time, 
France was permitted to rest. 

Since 1830, the whig party of England have attempted 
to prove that they had the same political belief as the to- 
nes, and thai they had forgotten nothing of the policy of 
Burke and William Pitt. The affairs of the East, and the 
continual supplies of arms and ammunition to the enemies 
of France at Algiers, in the face of the treaty of July 15, 
1840, have given the captionists of the "juste miliar a 
proof of what the English policy can be guilty, when moved 
by sordid interest or implacable jealousy. 



THE CHINESE WAR. 215 



CHAPTER VII. 
THE CHINESE WAR. 

The war upon the banks of the river of Canton, between 
the English and Chinese, assumes all the characters and 
phases of British policy. 

In order to understand correctly the facts which have 
brought about the conflict between Great Britain and China, 
we shall state a few details which are essentially connected 
with this subject. 

I, HISTORY OF THE COMMERCE OF OPIUM EFFECT OF 

OPIUM ON THE HUMAN BYBTEM DOUBLE PURPOSE OF 

ENGLAND IN EXTENDING THE TASTE FOR THIS DRUG 
AMONG THE CHINESE. 

For a long time, the Europeans have imported opium 
into China. The English, observing that this trade would 
give them great advantages, on account of the love of the 
Chinese for this drug, took measures early to monopolize 
the trade. The culture of the poppy extended rapidly in 
British India, and in a few years Bengal and the adjacent 
provinces were able to supply all the opium required by the 
Chinese. 

The sale of this article was tolerated by the government 
of Pekin for a long time ; but when the emperor perceived 
the fatal effects produced by its use, he prohibited its intro- 
duction and sale, under the severest penalties. This first 
prohibition occurred in 1796. In fact, the emperor himself 



216 THE CHINESE WAR. 

was once addicted to this habit for many years, but by great 
moral courage he weaned himself from the vice. 

Were the Chinese government wrong in prohibiting a 
drug hitherto considered as a simple medicine ? No one 
who knows the effects of opium will hesitate to answer. 

Opium destroys the physical as well as the moral man. 
All physiologists admit that the use of this drug, either by 
smoking or chewing, exercises a terrible influence on the 
nervous system : it does not produce sleep, but a general 
excitement, which extends even to delirium. The effect 
caused on the brain is extremely dangerous. The opium- 
smoker soon loses his memory and his intelligence. His 
moral capacities suffer as rapidly as his physical organiza- 
tion. While the legs totter, and the hands tremble like 
those of an old man, — while the body wastos, the lace be- 
comes wrinkled, and assumes the paleness of death ; the 
faculties of the mind and the qualities of the heart are 
gradually di Stroyed ; the degradation is complete ; and long 
before the act of suicide terminates, the unhappy smoker 
may be considered as no longer belonging to the human 
family. 

The following details in regard to the manner of smoking 
opium are from the pen of an Englishman, CI. II. Smith, 
Esq., and are consequently authentic. He remarks : — 

"The great extent to which this destructive vice is car- 
ried on in this island, and in the straits and islands 
adjacent, together with the almost utter impossibility of 
relinquishing the dreadful habit, when once acquired, opens 
an immense source of revenue to the East India Company, 
who monopolize the sale of all quantities of opium under a 
chest, as well as that of arrack, seree, toddy, bang, &c. 
Benares opium is that chiefly used by the farmer for the 
preparation of ■ chandoo' (the composition smoked), on ac- 
count of its weight and cheapness ; but the consumers pre- 
fer the Patna opium, because it has a finer flavor, is stronger, 
and its effects are more lasting. 



THE CHINESE WAR. 217 

" The following is part of the mode of preparing the 
chandoo. Two balls are as much as one man can properly 
prepare at once. The soft inside part of the opium-ball is 
scooped out, and the rind is boiled in soft water, and 
strained through a piece of calico. The liquor is evapo- 
rated in a wide vessel, and all impurities carefully skimmed 
off, as they rise to the surface. The same process is gone 
through with the soft opium extracted from the ball ; and 
all being mixed and evaporated to the consistence of dough, 
it is spread out into thin plates, and, when cold, it is cut 
into a number of long narrow slips. These are again re- 
duced to powder, redissolved, again evaporated, and ulti- 
mately rolled up into balls, and a good deal resemble shoe- 
makers' wax. In this state it is fit for smoking, and is at 
least twice the strength of crude opium. The chandoo, 
when once smoked, does not entirely lose its powers, but 
is collected from the head of the pipe, and is then called 
4 tve-chandoo,' or faecal opium, which is made into pills, and 
swallowed by those whose poverty prevents them from 
smoking the chandoo itself. 

" In Penang, the opium-smokers are the Chinese, the 
Malays, and a very few of other nations, chiefly the native 
Portuguese. It is calculated that 10 per cent, of the Chi- 
nese, 2£ of the Malays, and about 1 per cent, of other na- 
tives, are addicted to the vice of opium-smoking. The 
poorer classes smoke in the shops erected for that purpose, 
but the wealthier orders smoke privately in their own 
houses. The practice is almost entirely confined to the 
male sex, a few abandoned prostitutes of the other sex par- 
taking of the vice. A young beginner will not be able to 
smoke more than five or six grains of chandoo, while the 
old practitioners will consume two hundred grains daily ! ! 

" The causes which lead to this dreadful habit among 
the* Chinese are — First, their remarkably social and luxu- 
rious disposition. In China, every person in easy circum- 
stances has a saloon in his house, elegantly fitted up, to 

19 



218 THE CHINESE WAR. 

receive his friends, with pipes, chandoo, &c. All are in- 
vited to smoke, and many are thus induced to commence 
the practice from curiosity or politeness, though few of them 
are ever able to discontinue the vice afterwards. 

" Parents are in the habit of granting this indulgence to 
their children, apparently to prevent them from running 
into other vices still more detestable, and to which the Chi- 
nese are more prone, perhaps, than any people on earth. 
There is another cause which leads great numbers of young 
men into the practice of opium-smoking — a belief, founded, 
it is said, on experience, that the said practice heightens 
and prolongs carnal pleasures. It is, however, admitted 
by all, that opium-smokers become impotent at a much 
earlier period of life than others. In painful or incurable 
diseases, in all kinds of menial or corporeal sufferings, in 
mercantile misfortunes, and in other reverses of fortune, the 
opium-shop is resorted to as an asylum, where, for a time 
at least, the unfortunate may drown the recollection of his 
cares and troubles in an indescribably pleasurable feeling 
of indifference to all around. The Malays are confident 
that opium-smoking inspires them with preternatural cour- 
age and bodily strength ; it is therefore resorted to when- 
ever any desperate act is in contemplation. 

" The smoking-shops are the most miserable and wretch- 
ed places imaginable : they are kept open from six in the 
morning till ten o'clock at night, each being furnished with 
from four to eight bedsteads, constructed of bamboo-spars, 
and covered with dirty mats and rattans. At the head of 
each there is placed a narrow wooden stool, which serves 
as a pillow or bolster ; and in the centre of each shop there 
is a small lamp, which, while serving to light the pipes, 
diffuses a cheerless light through the gloomy abode of vice 
and misery. On an old table are placed a few cups and a 
tea-kettle, together with a jug of water, for the use of the 
smokers. At one side of the door the sub-farmer, or caba- 
ret-keeper, sits, with chandoo, pipes, &c, for the accom- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 219 

modation of his customers. The place is filled with the 
smoke of the chandoo, and with a variety of other vapors, 
most intolerable to the olfactories of a European. The 
pipe, as may be seen, is composed of a shank and a head- 
piece, the former made of hard and heavy wood, fourteen 
inches long by three inches and a half in circumference. 
It is bored through the centre, from the mouth-piece to the 
head, where there is a kind of cup to collect the ' tye- 
chandoo.' 

" The smokers generally go in pairs, and recline on the 
bedstead, with head resting on the wooden stool. The 
mode of proceeding is as follows : First, one of the pair 
takes up a piece of chandoo on the point of a short iron 
needle, and lighting it at the lamp, applies it to the small 
aperture (resembling the touchhole of a gun), in the head 
of the pipe. After a few whiffs, he hands the pipe to his 
friend, who lights another piece of chandoo at the lamp ; 
and thus they go on alternately smoking till they have had 
sufficient, or until they are unable to purchase any more of 
the intoxicating drug. The fume is always expelled through 
the nose, and old stagers even draw it into tKeir lungs before 
it is expired. 

" During this time, they are at first loquacious, and the 
conversation is highly animated ; but, as the opium takes 
effect, the conversation droops, and they frequently burst 
out into loud laughter from the most trifling causes, or with- 
out any apparent cause at all, unless it be from the train of 
thoughts passing through their excited imaginations. The 
next phase presents a vacancy of countenance, with pallor, 
and shrinking of the features, so that they resemble people 
convalescing from a fever. A dead silence precedes a deep 
sleep, which continues from half an hour to three or four 
hours. In this state the pulse becomes much slower, softer, 
and smaller than before the debauch. Such is the general 
process almost invariably observed among the Chinese ; but 
with the Malays it is often very different. Instead of the 



220 THE CHINESE WAR. 

placidity that ushers in the profound sleep, the Malays fre- 
quently become outrageously violent and quarrelsome, and 
lives are occasionally lost in these frightful orgies ! 

" The chandoo is sometimes employed for the purpose 
of self-destruction ; but, from its strong smell and taste, it is 
never used as poison for others. It does not appear that 
sudden death is ever produced by an overdose of chandoo 
when used in smoking. When an inordinate quantity has 
been expended in this way, headache, vertigo, and nausea 
are the effects, and are only relieved by vomiting. 

" When a person has once contracted the habit of opium- 
smoking, he finds it extremely difficult to discontinue the 
vice ; yet there are many instances of its being conquered 
by resolution of mind. In such attempts it is most danger- 
ous to approach the opium-shops, as the smell of the chan- 
doo produces an irresistible desire to indulge once more in 
the pernicious habit : neither can opium-smoking be sud- 
denly abandoned without some substitute, as the most seri- 
ous or even fatal consequences would ensue. The best 
substitute is tincture of the tye-chandoo (which is about 
one fourth of the strength of the chandoo itself), mado with 
1 lamsoo,' a spirit made from rice, and taken in gradually- 
diminished doses, till the habit is broken. > 

" By a continuance in this destructive practice, the physi- 
cal constitution and thr moral character of the individual 
are deteriorated or destroyed, especially among the lower 
classes, who are impelled to the commission of crimes, in 
order to obtain the means of indulging in their dominant 
vice. 

11 The hospitals and poor-houses are chiefly filled with 
opium-smokers. In one that I had charge of, the inmates 
averaged sixty daily, five sixths of whom were smokers of 
chandoo. The baneful effects of this habit on the human 
constitution are conspicuously displayed by stupor, forget- 
fulness, general deterioration of all the mental faculties, ema- 
ciation, debility, sallow complexion, lividity of lips and eye- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 221 

lids, languor and lack-lustre of eye, appetite either destroyed 
or depraved, sweetmeats or sugar-cane being the articles 
that are most relished. In the morning these creatures 
have a most wretched appearance, evincing no symptoms 
of being refreshed or invigorated by sleep, however pro- 
found. There is a remarkable dryness or burning in the 
throat, which urges them to repeat the opium-smoking. If 
the dose be not taken at the usual time, there is great pros- 
tration, vertigo, and torpor, discharge of water from the 
eyes, and in some an involuntary discharge of semen, even 
when wide awake. If the privation be complete, a still 
more formidable train of phenomena takes place. Coldness 
is felt over the whole body, with aching pains in all parts. 
Diarrhoea occurs ; the most horrid feelings of wretchedness 
come on ; and if the poison be withheld, death terminates 
the victim's existence. 

" It is generally remarked, as might, a priori, be expect- 
ed, that the offspring of opium-smokers are weak, stunted, 
and decrepit." 

Another powerful authority on this subject will prove 
what we have advanced. Some years since, a Chinese 
artist painted a series of pictures, representing the phases 
in the life of an opium-smoker. The following is a de- 
scription of these pictures, taken from the Chinese Reposi- 
tory for 1837, a journal published at Canton : — 

14 In the first picture, we see a young man, who, from 
his dress, appears to be rich, and whose countenance indi- 
cates that he is in good health. Near him is a coffer filled 
with gold and silver. A domestic in one corner of the 
apartment is preparing the opium for the pipe of this young 
voluptuary. 

u Number two shows our future hero smoking on a rich 
divan, surrounded by courtesans and musicians, to whom 
he distributes pieces of gold. 

44 In number three, this imprudent young man is com- 
pletely a slave to this fatal habit j his eves are sunken and 
19* 






222 THE CHIiNiiSE WAR. 

haggard, his skin is pale, his features wasted ; while his de- 
cayed teeth and crooked back indicate already the ravages 
produced in his system by opium. He is seated upon a 
meaner sofa ; his coffer is empty. He is still preparing to 
smoke, and his wife and slave seem terrified by their pro- 
spective ruin. 

" In the fourth picture, he appears to be entirely destitute. 
Everything around him indicates the extreme of misery. 
He lies upon a few planks ; he is bent up like an old man 
of eighty ; the muscles of his face and hands are contract- 
ed ; he seems to breathe from the very bottom of his chest. 
His wife appears insensible to their despair. 

" In the fifth picture, the young old man, .still fond of that 
poison so pernicious to him, is reduced to the most deplo- 
rable situation. Perhaps he finds a few pieces of copper, 
which he has possibly stolen from a neighbor, and he drags 
himself along, like a dying man, towards an opium-shop, 
where a few cinders, fallen from the pipe of another smoker, 
kindle up the dying spark of existence. 

" Finally, the last picture represents him in the lowest 
degree of idiocy. He is sitting on a miserable bamboo- 
chair, and is eating the residuum of opium, so thick that he 
cannot swallow it except by drinking with it a little tea. 
His wife and son are taking care of silk-worms, to obtain 
the means of procuring a painful existence. One would 
think his last hour had come." 

This is the fate of the unhappy man who is addicted to 
this terrible propensity ; and unfortunately the attraction of 
this poison is irresistible. The prostration which follows 
intoxication does not terrify the smoker. Before feeling 
wretched, he tastes in imagination all the pleasures of the 
oriental paradise ; he prefers death rather than renounce 
that intellectual mirror which presents to all the senses the 
most delicate enjoyments. 

And farther, this vice exercises its despotic influence 
over the physical man as well as upon the will ; if they at- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 223 

tempt to renounce it, the want of nervous excitement de- 
ranges the vital forces to an intolerable extent, which may 
even become fatal. 

" I have learned," says an Imperial censor in the memo- 
rial to the Chinese government, " that the opium smokers 
have a periodical desire for the drug, and this desire can- 
not be appeased except by a new dose taken at regular in- 
tervals. If they caunot smoke when the necessity of the 
moment comes, their limbs tremble, there is a free discharge 
from their noses and eyes, and they become unable to do 
any work. A few whiffs, however, are sufficient to revive 
their spirits and strength." Thus the smokers can only 
live by the aid of opium, and when they are arrested and 
brought before the magistrates, they prefer to undergo se- 
vere chastisement rather than to inform against those who 
had sold them the poison. 

The Chinese government only stated a deplorable fact 
when it declared that opium was a deadly drug, and gave 
proof of foresight in prohibiting its sale. 

The English paid no attention to this prohibition. The 
open traflic was suspended, but it was still carried on se- 
cretly, with results that equalled and even surpassed their 
expectations. The East India Company, seeing that this 
source of revenue would become more and more profitable, 
undertook to monopolize for their possessions the culturo 
of the poppy.* It did more ; it protected itself against 

• On the subject of this monopoly, we read the following curious details 
in the National of June 2.2, 1841. 

" The culture of the poppy, although general in all the English East In. 
dian possessions, yet occupies principally the territory of Benares and 
Patnah. Half of it, however, is raised in Malwa alone. Although this 
last province does not belong to the company, it was formerly subject to 
the opium monopoly. The princes of the province were obliged to tell 
how much was raised, and to sell the whole of it to the English alone. 
The price allowed by the British agents was about half that which could 
be obtained elsewhere. This odious monopoly having impoverished the 
inhabitants of Malwa, the people were much exasperated. In 1829, how- 
ever, the company determined to throw open the culture of the poppy in 
that province ; but as there was no market for the drug except in Bombay i 



224 THE CHINESE WAR. 

French commerce, by paying an annual indemnity of a 
million pounds, on condition that the French should formally 
renounce the cultivation of the poppy in that strip of land 
which remained to them of their former Asiatic kingdom. 

While the company regulated by these means this frau- 
dulent commerce, it attempted to extend the desire for opi- 
um into the most remote provinces of the Chinese empire. 
Its agents formed connexions with the highest functionaries 
of the empire, caused them to contract this fata) habit, and 
thus rendered them their accomplices. At the same time, 
they organized a system of smuggling with the population 
Of the seacoast. They established a depot of opium in the 
Isle of Lintin, at the month of the river of Canton; here 
the buyers were supplied by numerous stationary vessels 
called receiving vessels. In a short time they brayed the 
wrath of th^ emperoi openly; th. vessels destined to carry 
this fraudulent merchandise were armed with guns, and 
when the smugglers met a war junk, designed to prevent 
the opium trade, they fired upon it. and saved themselves 
by rapid flight. The East India Company had now suc- 
ceeded to the utmost of its wishes. From this time the 
Chinese could not dispense with opium. They were the 
tributaries and victims of the English. They had become, 
in the hands of the government at Calcutta, a worthy rival 
of that cf London, a material essentially saleable. 

it is difficult to understand why a nation should poison 

itself voluntarily. The article from tie' National which we 
have already cited, gives a very plausible explanation of 
this fact. 
and as the inhabitants of this province were obliged to pass through the 

British possessions to get to the capital, it cannot be shipped t<> China un- 
til it has paid enormous duties. In all the districts belonging to the Eng- 
lish, then is an exorbitant monopoly of it 

Wherever the soil has been (bond to be propel tor the cultivation of the 
poppy, this culture is obligatory. The government makes advances to 
the ryott or peasant, sod if these advances are refused, the money is 
thrown into his cabin, and then he is obliged to sow poppies ; and wo be 
to him it he attempts to deceive in regard to this point. 



THE CHINESE WAR. 225 

" The Chinese," says this journal, " are the most voluptu- 
ous people in the world ; they have always been extremely 
fond of stimulants of all kinds ; they constantly use birds- 
nests, sharks' fins, and biche de mer, of which seven 
thousand piculs are annually imported, together with other 
stimulating drugs. It is not surprising, then, that the Chi- 
nese should become extremely addicted to the use of opium, 
inasmuch as, when taken in moderate doses, it causes a 
transient feeling of happiness and delightful visions, which 
only renew the desire of using it again. As we have al- 
ready said, the desire of taking increases with the quantity 
taken ; the smoker cannot resist this strong propensity, al- 
though knowing very well that he is committing suicide by 
inches. U is the same thing with those who become ad- 
dicted to the use of ardent spirits, although they are per- 
fectly satisfied that the indulgence of this habit leads to the 
tomb. 

'• In Syria, Persia, and Turkey, opium does not generally 
produce such disastrous effects, because tin' inhabitants of 
these countries are not so passionate as the Chinese, and 
use the poisonous drug with some degree of moderation. 
But in China this cannot be, on account of the propensities 
of this sensual people. The English are fully aware of this 
fact, and do not carry the opium elsewhere. 

•• It is in this mannei that a people poisons itself volun- 
tarily." 

In all this the wishes of England are easily seen ; to 
sav nothing of the political inlluence which it acquires in 
inpire by weakening its power. 

In a financial point of view it has been of immense ad- 
vantage. In fact, as opium is paid for on the spot, on ac- | 
count of the prohibition, it follows that twenty millions of 
dollars are drawn from the kingdom annually without any / 
equivalent. " Formerly," said Heu-Naetze, vice-president 
of the court of Pekin, in a very remarkable memoir on this 
subject, " formerly, the commerce of the barbarians brought 



226 THE CHINESE WAR. 

money to China, and this money, given in exchange for 
merchandise, was a source of benefit to the maritime popu- 
lation. But since the barbarians only sell opium clandes- 
tinely and for cash, the specie leaves the empire, and does 
not return to it in any manner." China then loses an im- 
mense quantity of specie from which the East India Com- 
pany profits exclusively. This state of things will inevita- 
bly ruin the population and government of the celestial em- 
pire. 

In a political point of view, the calculations of Eng- 
land were well founded ; in fact, it was evident that the use 
of opium, extending farther and farther, would demoralize 
the whole empire, and would finally enervate the population 
to such a degree that they could not resist a powerful ene- 
my. It is remarkable that the greatest number of opium- 
smokers are found in the higher classes.* The troops also 
are infected with this vice, so that the Chinese empire is 
affected in its real strength, viz., in its rich population and 
limits army. 

But demoralization is not the only auxiliary on which 
English policy counts. It was easy to foresee a still more 
positive result which had been anticipated by the govern- 
ments of London and Calcutta. The mean existence of the 
opium-smokers scarcely exceeds four years, and hence the 
general mortality must increase sensibly in consequence 
of the use of this poisonous drug. Now it has been calcu- 
lated that thirty -four thousand chests of opium, the amount 
imported in 1837,t is sufficient for the consumption of a 
million of individuals. Hence, after the year 1837, China 

* We read in a memoir of the Mandarin, Choo Hum : " Most of the 
opium-smokers are parents, or under the authority of those employed by 
the government : by them, this fatal custom has extended to the commer- 
cial classes, and even among the soldiers, the students, and laborers. Those 
who do not smoke, are the lower people of the villages and hamlets. 

f The importation of opium into China has progressed astonishingly. 
In 1816, it was 3210 chests ; 1825, 9621 ; 1832, 23,670 ; 1837, 34,000. Thus 
in twenty years the amount has been decupled. 



THE CHINESE WAR. 227 

will lose a million of inhabitants annually, in addition to its 
common mortality, and we have every reason to think that 
the use of opium will be still more extensive in subsequent 
years. Hence the double motive which England has pur- 
sued, since the time when the prohibition of opium has 
given a new impulse to this odious traffic, has been the 
ruin of private individuals and of the state for the advantage 
of the East India Company, and demoralization and assas- 
sination of the Chinese population as a new means of con- 
quest.* 

II. PROHIBITION OF THE OPIUM TRADE REAL MOTIVE OF 

THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT. 

The government of Pekin opened its eyes to the dangers 
of the increased trade in opium. It passed new laws, more 
explicit and severe than the first, and ordered the mandarins 
to be still more vigilant in regard to smuggling. 

The English, and some French writers who were inter- 
ested in this subject, have pretended that the financial 
question was the motive of the emperor, and that the object 
of the laws against the merchants and smokers of opium 

* The English appear to have practised a similar system of extermina- 
tion in New Holland, except that a degree of refinement is added, which 
marks their progress in civilization. A writer in the Westminster Review 
for January, 1841, remarks ; "Very recently in Van Diemen's Land, a 
small body of aborigines were hemmed in and shot down in cold blood by 
a few Europeans, and when the government took some steps to bring the 
monsters who perpetrated it to justice, the press raised an outcry against 
punishing men for shooting l monkeys,'' and an intimation was held out that 
if this course were persevered in, it would be necessary to find some more 
secure mode of getting rid of the { vermin.' The mode recommended was 
to dose wheaten bread or cakes, of which the natives are very fond, with 
arsenic, and we learn from a letter from a private friend, that the method 
in question is actually adopted around Port Philip. He says, ' Some of the 
white people here treat them (the natives) most shamefully ; for the slight- 
est offence they kill them, and drop their bodies into some creek, and some 
have been known to leave about dampers, a species of bread baked in the 
bush, in which arsenic has been previously put, for the very purpose of 
destroying the blacks.' Shame on such outrageous conduct from a nation 
which professes to be the zealous friend of the colored race !" 



228 THE CHINESE WAR. 

was only to prevent the loss of money and the ruin of the 
Chinese empire. 

It is easy to demonstrate the falsehood of this assertion, 
and to prove that the Chinese have more regard to the de- 
moralization of their nation, and the dangers which would 
result from it, than to the loss of money. The mandarin 
Choo Hum, whom we have already mentioned, says, in his 
official report to the emperor : — 

" I have always admired the care taken by my sovereign 
in strengthening the military and civil education, to consoli- 
date the foundations of the empire, and to exclude the bar- 
barians from every point ; but unless the importation of 
opium can be arrested, it is impossible to know certainly 
the extent of the mortality which the use of this drug will 
cause in the army : and if the camp is once infected, the 
fatal influence of opium will extend its ravages. Then 
how can the victims of this scourge, with tottering legs, trem- 
bling hands, and tearful eyes, fulfil their military duties ? 
How can such men form strong and formmable legions ? 
Under such influences, the soldiers will become incapable 
of advancing in combat, and, in a retreat, of defending 
their posts." 

Further on, the author of the report remarks : li At first, 
the opium was cultivated at Kaoutsinne, or Kallapa (Ba- 
tavia) ; the inhabitants of this country were quick and 
active, good soldiers, and generally victorious in their con- 
tests ; but the people called Hung-Maou, ox red-haired men, 
came there, and having taught the natives to smoke opium, 
this frightful habit soon extended through the whole nation* 
The men became weak and cowardly ; they submitted to 
the yoke of the foreigner, and were thus completely subju- 
gated after a short time. Now the English belong to the 
same race termed Hung-Maou. Their object in introducing 
opium into this country, is only to weaken and enervate the 
celestial empire. If we are not upon our guard by a feel- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 229 

ing of danger, we shall find ourselves on the edge of a 
precipice, and on the brink of ruin." 

Finally, we find in another memorial addressed to the 
emperor by the sub-censor Hen Keer, the following passage, 
which is equally explicit : " For a long time, the vessels 
of the barbarians have appeared upon our coast ; they pene- 
trate into our inner seas : have they any evil designs upon 
us 1 Do they wish to ascertain our force or our weakness ? 
If we allow them to advance step by step, if no restric- 
tions are placed upon them, the force of the country will be 
dail3 r undermined and weakened. When our population 
shall be weakened, even if any trivial difficulty should 
arise, would it be possible to suppress it ?" 

Hence the war was not produced by a question of money. 
This question was only secondary in the view of the Chi- 
nese ; but they regarded it in a moral and political point of 
view, for they very well understood the infamous object of 
the cabinets of London and Calcutta. 

III. HISTORY OF THE RUPTURE THE ENGLISH GOVERN- 
MENT DECLARES WAR AGAINST CHINA ITS BAD FAITH. 

The English took no notice of the laws and threats of 
the Chinese government. They continued their horrid 
commerce. Although warned and requested to obey the 
prohibitory edicts of government, they continued to sell 
their poison under the eyes of the authorities. 

Nevertheless, the government was still indulgent, and 
addressed new remonstrances to the English resident, 
Captain Elliott. He was constantly making hypocritical 
protestations of obedience to the mandarins. He admitted 
that the Chinese government had the right to make what- 
ever laws they thought proper, and said that he would not 
oppose the punishment of the offenders ; but while he thus 
pretended to submit to the wishes of the emperor, he took 
no steps to remove from the Canton river vessels loaded 

20 




230 THE CHINESE WAR. 

with opium : and while he admitted, in his official despatch 
to Lord Palmerston, that the opium trade was infamous and 
criminal, he adopted no measures to check the smuggling. 
Still less did he attempt to abolish from Bengal the mo- 
nopoly of the cultivation of the poppy, which monopoly is 
the only source of this odious traffic. 

This double game provoked the indignation of the Chi- 
nese authorities. They adopted means to interrupt the 
commerce of the English. As a preliminary measure, 
Commissioner Lin, the delegate of the emperor, ordered, 
on the 18th of March, 1839, that all of the opium contain* 1 
in the receiving vessels should be delivered up to him. The 
British minister continued secretly to protect the smugglers. 
The commissioner, to compel him to sign the order for the 
delivery of the opium, was obliged to imprison Captain 
Elliott, and employ other extreme modes to intimidate him. 
Captain Elliott was forced to obey, and decided to surren- 
der to the imperial commissioner, not the entire quantity 
of opium, but only twenty thousand two hundred and ninety- 
s one chc 

The English complained bitterly that the Chinese gov- 
ernment had no right to confiscate contraband goods ; their 
attitude became more insolent and more provoking than 
ever. July 7th, 1839, some sailors went to Hong Kong, 
committed gross outrages there, and assassinated an inof- 
fensive inhabitant. Commissioner Lin demanded the mur- 
derer. Captain Elliott replied that he could not discover 
the offender ; he even insinuated that the crime might have 
been committed by some American sailors. A correspond- 
ence occurred in regard to this matter, which shows the 
perfidy of the English in every line. 

On the 4th of September, the British superintendent, 
without any previous declaration of war, blockaded the en- 
trance of the river, and attacked three Chinese junks. On 
the 3d of November, Captain Smith and the superintendent 
gave battle to a Chinese flotilla. Several vessels were sunk, 



THE CHINESE WAR. 231 

and the English, overjoyed at the success of this effort, 
prepared for new hostilities. 

The British government then decided to declare war 
against China. In the order of council of April, 1840, are 
found several passages too singular and significant to be 
passed over in silence. 

" Her Majesty, considering the recent offences of several 
Chinese authorities against her functionaries, has ordered 
that satisfaction and reparation should be demanded. To 
obtain this satisfaction and reparation, the vessels and car- 
goes belonging to the Emperor of China or his subjects 
shall be kept and guarded, in order that if this satisfaction 
is refused, the vessels and cargoes thus retained, and others 
which may afterwards be captured, may be confiscated and 
sold ; the proceeds of this sale shall be applied as her Ma- 
jesty shall think proper ; by and with the advice of the 
privy council, therefore, these presents do ordain, that the 
commanders of her Royal Majesty's vessels shall detain 
and carry into port all vessels and merchandise belonging 
to the Emperor of China or to his subjects, or to any other 
inhabitants of the country, territory, or dominions of China, 
&c." 

Thus it was the Chinese government which was the ag- 
gressor ; — she whose laws have been scandalously violated 
by the subjects of her Britannic Majesty ; — she who is 
obliged to caution her people against the poison brought by 
the English. The English cabinet declares itself offended, 
and seeks a pretext to make war upon China. First, she 
seizes and confiscates the cargoes of Chinese vessels. 
Then she must have reparation, consisting of a sum of mo- 
ney ; an indemnity for the seizing of contraband goods. 

The British government knew that the Chinese nation 
could not resist a European army, fortified by all the means 
of destruction invented by modern science j it was aware, 
too, that most of the rich population, and of the Imperial 
army, were already sufficiently demoralized by the use of 



232 THE CHINESE WAR. 

opium, to be more embarrassing than useful to the govern- 
ment of Pekin in a serious contest. It knew that all the 
opium-smokers were favorable to England, and also the 
population of the seashore, which lived in a great degree on 
the contraband trade of opium. After attempting, by every 
means, to bring on this odious war, it took up arms with the 
certainty of crushing an almost defenceless enemy. 

The indemnity claimed by Great Britain for the confis- 
cated opium was live million pounds sterling. For this 
indemnity the East India Company was alone responsible, 
and, on the failure of the company, the government. The 
merchants who had suffered by the confiscation had pur- 
chased the twenty thousand chests of the company ; hence 
they ought, in good faith, to indemnify them for the loss sus- 
tained. In fact, the merchants claimed it, saying that the 
company could not expect to profit from the bargain from 
which the merchant received nothing, since the merchan- 
dise which was purchased by them at Calcutta, had been 
confiscated at Canton. The answer of the governor of the 
East India Company, and of the home government, was 
worthy of both ; they both said that they did not encourage 
the opium trade, that they were even ignorant of it, and 
consequently could not be held responsible for the damage 
sustained by the smugglers. This excuse was very singu- 
lar, considering the care devoted by the company to the 
cultivation of the poppy, and the sale of its opium in the 
market of India, and still more so, considering the declara- 
tions of several members of parliament, and particularly by 
one of the former ministers. In fact, the Duke of Welling- 
ton remarked, in the session of the 12th of May, 1840 : " I 
was one of a committee to make an inquiry in regard to the 
different branches of English commerce, and particularly that 
of opium ; one of the principal objects considered by the 
government was the continuation of this trade. Witnesses 
were asked if it were not possible to extend commerce 
generally, and particularly that of opium. In the report 



[£ CHINESE WAR. 233 

made by the committee to the House of Commons, it was 
expressly stated that it was desirable to continue the opium 
trade. The bad faith of the two governments was then ap- 
parent. It was easy for the merchants to prove this. 
Hence the company and home government decided to oblige 
the Chinese government to pay the indemnity." 

And now what should be said of the British merchants, 
the East India Company, and the government, if the de- 
mand for indemnity was entirely unfounded, if the seizure 
of the opium had occasioned no loss to the smugglers ? 
We shall now proceed to prove this in such a manner as 
to remove every doubt and every objection. The following 
is an extract from a despatch from Captain Elliott to Lord 
Palmerston, dated at Tongkou, and published among the 
official documents to which we have already alluded. 

" The commissioner Lin found the opium trade in a 
state of extreme stagnation. For four months before his 
arrival, there had been but few sales ; the stock of the last 
year had accumulated, and the harvest of the current v< r 
had begun to arrive. In China the price had fallen two or 
three per cent, below the cost of its production Hid duties ; 
when the opium was sent to Canton, the sales of the drug 
at Calcutta and Bombay were ruinous. 

" Uut, my Lord, when the high commissioner had aban- 
doned reasonable measures to solve the problem confided 
to him, when he had obliged me to take from my fellow- 
countrymen the opium which was theirs, I foresaw for him 
only difficulties and disappointment. 

"To seize twenty thousand chests of opium, which were 
almost without value on account of the large stock on hand, 
was not the mode to extinguish this trade, and, on the con- 
trary, we must regard this measure as having saved the opi- 
um trade. In fact, the price had fallen so much, that if the 
commissioner Lin had restored the chests the day after 
seizing them, it is difficult to say whether the proprietors 
would have been the gainers. We may say that the market 
20* 



234 THE CHINESE WAR. 

required to be quickened by the persecutions of the com- 
missioner, in order that the price of opium should be equal 
to the price of its production, considering that the trade has 
been very active and very profitable since the 24th of 
March, we must admit that those persons who gave up the 
opium ought to be extremely grateful to his excellency the 
commissioner, and perfectly willing to sacrifice the price 
of the confiscated opium for the profits of the opium which 
could not have been sold under other circumstances, except 
at a ruinous sacrifice ; I estimate that this would be a mod- 
erate tax on the actual future sales. The commissioner 
has taken the only course to encourage the sales of the 
next year. If he had left the twenty thousand chests in 
the hands of their owners, the company would have been 
obliged to sacrifice the crop of the next year. Under these 
circumstances, I think that this trade will be extremely pro- 
fitable. In conclusion, I would state to your excellency that 
my resolutions have not caused the merchants any loss, but 
the contrary." 

Here the English superintendent at Canton declares offi- 
cially, that^the merchants lost nothing by the confiscation 
of the opium, but, on the contrary, that it was a source of 
profit. And yet the merchants claim damages, and the 
English government supports their pretensions by an army. 
Any remarks would weaken the impression which this 
statement ought to make on every impartial mind. We 
shall say no more on the subject, but shall leave our read- 
ers to draw their own conclusions. 

IV. COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST CHINA 

CAPTURE OF CHUSAN — BARBARITY OF THE ENGLISH BOM- 
BARDMENT OF AMOR. 

An English fleet of more than thirty sail, of all sizes, 
were moored in the roads of Macao, June 20th, 1840. It 
came to oblige the Emperor of China to permit the poison- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 235 

ing of his subjects, to pay to the English a large indemnity 
for imaginary losses, and to make to the British government 
such concessions as the latter should judge favorable to its 
views and its passion for conquest. On the 2d of July, their 
naval forces appeared before the Island of Chusan, situated 
at the entrance of the Yellow Sea. On the 5th, a general 
attack was made on the capital of the island. The unhappy 
Chinese fired a few balls against the vessels of the enemy, 
which passed between the masts of the vessels ; in their 
simplicity, they imagined that the English sailors would be 
terrified at the sight of some hideous monsters, whose ima- 
ges they had placed on the banks of the river. The lead- 
ers of the expedition were not deceived ; they made war up- 
on a defenceless people. 

After a murderous fire of nine minutes only, against an 
inoffensive city, the red-coats entered Ting-hae, and the in- 
habitants fled in disorder. A scene of pillage then occur- 
red, which continued until the cupidity of the English sol- 
diers was entirely satisfied. The English generals attempt- 
ed to produce the impression that the Chinese pillaged their 
own city before leaving it ; but the truth is contained in a 
letter from an officer in the army, from which we shall 
make an extract; it is dated the 18th of July, at Chusan. 

" The troops were disembarked, the English flag was 
hoisted, and then commenced the most thorough pillage im- 
aginable ; every house was broken open indiscriminately ; 
every box and chest was emptied. The streets were filled 
with fragments of furniture, tables and chairs, and the whole 
was finally collected together, except the dead or living 
bodies of the inhabitants, who could not quit the city on ac- 
count of the wounds received from our merciless guns. 
Some had lost a leg, others both legs, and there were a 
great number with horrid wounds, made by thirty-two pound 
shot, which had passed through their bodies. For two 
days the bodies were left where they had fallen. At the 
end of that time, they were buried in consequence of the 



236 THE CHINESE WAR. 

smell, and the number of flies upon them. During this 
time, the pillage was carried to the utmost extreme, and 
ceased only when there was nothing more to take. The 
plunderers, on their return to Calcutta, made presents to 
their friends, and ornamented their houses with trophies 
taken, not from the soldiers, not from the field of battle, but 
from the peaceful and inoffensive inhabitants. The inhabi- 
tants of the city were devoted to destruction by our vessels of 
war, which a few days previous had given positive orders 
to all our transports to use indulgence towards the inhabi- 
tants, because we did not make war upon the people, but 
only demanded reparation of the Chinese government. 

" The day after the capture of Chusan, the soldiers, either 
from intoxication, or influenced by the demon of destruction, 
set lire to a part of the city. The conflagration was ex- 
tended by the spirits contained in the warehouses at Ting- 
hae, and spread with frightful rapidity, and would have 
swept oil" the whole city, had it not been extinguished by 
the unparalleled ellbrts of the seamen." 

For the edification of our readers, we would state, that 
according to the oflicer who wrote the above letter, vessels 
loaded with opium followed the squadron, doubtless to poi- 
son those unfortunate natives who had escaped the balls of 
the English. 

While Ting-hae was captured and sacked by the English, 
a small part of the squadron was sent to destroy the city of 
Amor. The frigate Blonde conducted this savage expedi- 
tion with a zeal worthy of a better purpose, and the com- 
mander- pointed out the ruins of the city to his cannoniers 
as the glorious certilicate by which the commander of the 
vessel claimed the favor of his chief. 

In this affair there was nothing wanting, and English 
policy, in its struggles with the Chinese, appeared in its 
most hideous forms. It has shrunk from nothing either 
hateful or barbarous ; it has shown itself in all its naked- 



THE CHINESE WAR. 237 

ness ; it called to its aid perfidy, deception, theft, poison, 
and the sword. 

V. SUSPENSION OF HOSTILITIES ENGLAND AGAIN BREAKS 

THE PEACE. 

Hostilities were suspended temporarily by an arrange- 
ment made between the government of Pekin and the rep- 
resentative of the English cabinet. One would think that 
the concessions made by the Emperor ought to satisfy his 
enemies. He granted to the English six millions of dollars 
as an indemnity, and yet, as we have already stated, this in- 
demnity was not legitimately due. In the second place, he 
granted them the island of Hong Kong, situated at the en- 
trance of the river of Canton, and this stipulation, which 
gave them a foothold in the Chinese empire, might at a 
later period serve as a starting point for their projects of 
conquest. Finally, one clause of the convention permitted 
the English in future to treat directly with the court of 
Pekin. This privilege has long been desired by the British 
ministers. They had always thought, that when they could 
have a minister at the court of the Emperor, intrigue and 
corruption would do more for the success of their designs, 
than threats and violence. 

The wishes of England seemed then fulfilled by this 
treaty. But British cupidity cherished hopes much more 
brilliant, particularly since they had ascertained the right- 
ing qualities of the Chinese. The cabinet of St. James and 
the East India Company therefore found that the arrange- 
ment signed by Captain Elliott was not sufficiently favor- 
able to the interests of the commerce and policy of Great 
Britain. Some time afterward, news was received in Eu- 
rope that hostilities had re-commenced, that the Boyne forts 
had been destroyed by the British artillery, and that the 
fleet had anchored before Canton, intending to burn the 
city if the Emperor was not more generous. 



238 THE CHINESE WAR. 

The English papers affirm that the armistice was broken 
by the Chinese ; but the remarks of these journals prove 
that the English were interested in re-commencing this 
war to obtain the object of their demands, and no one 
would believe that the Chinese would renew a contest 
which would be fatal to them. And farther, private de- 
spatches received in Europe state that the English were 
the aggressors. 

As yet, the war is not terminated ; a new squadron has 
sailed from the ports at Bengal, for the capital of the Chi- 
nese Empire. The English will now make a demonstration 
against Pekin, and it will probably be successful. 

Until this power decides to throw off the mask, and to 
undertake seriously the conquest of China, she will continue, 
probably, to demoralize the people by opium. This is con- 
firmed by the solemn declaration of the ministers of Queen 
Victoria, and that of several influential members of parlia- 
ment. 

The statesmen of Great Britain have said, that the opi- 
um trade must be maintained ; that is, until the crime shall 
be thoroughly accomplished, in spite of those hypocrites 
who, in England and India, lament the fate of the unfortu- 
nate Chinese. 

All remarks are superfluous, for they occur naturally from 
the simple statement of the facts. 

In conclusion, England has presented to the world the 
unparalleled Bight of a government warring upon a defence- 
less people, to compel them to take poison.* 

* Since the above remarks were written, the Chinese war has been con- 
tinued with the same degree of savage cruelty and ferocity which charac- 
terizes the other contests of England, and with a bloody recklessness of 
human life, disreputable and disgraceful to any nation claiming to be 
civilized, and worthy only of barbarians and savages. A narrative of the 
Chinese war has recently been issued by Captain Bingham, who has served 
with the expedition throughout : we shall make a few extracts from it, to 
show the manner in which England has sullied her national honor. Take, 
for instance, his account of the slaughter at Ningpoo : — 

About twelve thousand (Chinese) advanced upon the southern and 



THE CHINESE WAR. 239 

western gates, the guards. retiring before them. On the Chinese penetra- 
ting to the markef-place in the centre of the city, they were received by a 
heavy fire from our troops drawn up. This sudden check so damped their 
ardor, that their only object appeared to be to get out of the city as fast as they 
could, in doing which they were crowded in dense masses in the narrow 
streets. The artillery now came up, unlimbered within one hundred yards 
of the crowded fugitives, and poured in a destructive fire of grape and can- 
ister. So awful was the destruction of human life, that the bodies icere 
obliged to be removed to the sides of the streets to alloiv the guns to advance, 
and were pursued by them (the artillery) and the 49th regiment for several 
miles.-' 

Captain Bingham thus describee the scene at Amoy:— "The general 
had this day a good opportunity of displaying his skill in military tactics. 
Perceiving that the enemy had five thousand men in an extensive encamp- 
ment on the southern hank of the river, while the city was on the northern, 
he determined to attack the former first (the troops had been landed under 
cover of the fire of the Cruiser, the Columbine, and the Bentinck). Having 
divided Ins small army into three columns, the right and left were de- 
spatched towards the flanks of the enemy, which movement they were 
enabled to execute without beincj perceived by their opponents, under 
cover of a rising ground. The c< Qtre column advancing at the same time, 
the Chinese came boldly out to meet them. The British troops advanced 
steadily until within good range, though the Chinese had for some time 
opened a fire of gingak and matchlocks, directed solely against this col- 
umn. The order was given to fire, when, at the same moment, the flank 
companies debouched, pouring in their volleys on the now bewildered Chi- 
nese. Being utterly confounded at this (to them) most wonderful increase 
of force, they gazed in stupid and motionless amazement. A few of them 
only returned a fe ible fire to the incessant peals which came from every 
quarter, and then, as it were in a sudden panic, moved, broke up, and f!->d 
in every direction. Leaving the field thickly strewn with their dead and 
dying. Our men followed in close pursuit, and many hand-to-hand encoun- 
ters took place; but the loni? Chinese spear could make but little resist- 
ance against the British bayonet. Many of these men foughl with di 
ration, apparently resolved to conquer or die. The residue fled by hundreds 
to the water, hoping by thai means to hide themselves from the vengeance 
of the ' red-haired race.' The fire of the rifles was most deadly: the 
stream shortly became tinged with their blood, when the general, accom- 
panied by Mr. Thorn, coming up, the latter bearing a flag, with the follow- 
ing words in the Chinese language upon it — ' Yield and be saved, resist 
and perish' — many of them took quarter, and the carnage ceased. On this 
day, so unhappy for the black-haired race, fifteen hundred of whom must 
have perished, our loss amounted to sateen killed and a few wounded. With 
such a tremendous bombardment as had been going on for two hours in 
this densely-populated neighborhood, it must be expected that pitiable 
sights were to be witnessed. At one spot were four children struck down, 
while the frantic father was occasionally embracing their bodies, or making 



240 THE CHINESE WAR. 

attempts to drown himself in a neighboring tank. Numerous similar scenes 
were witnessed !" 

At Anninghoy, the bombardment appears to have been of the most ter- 
rific description, and soon drove the Chinese from their guns. Captain 
Bingham thus describes the execution done upon the wretched fugitives in 
their fruitless endeavor to escape : — 

" The run becoming general, many tried to escape round the base of the 
hill, in doing which numbers of them became exposed to the Blenheim's 
broadside, when a great many fell. Finding the fire too hot to allow them 
to escape along the beach, they took to the water, crawling along on all 
fours, and bobbing their heads as they saw the flash of the guns ; but 
escaping Scylla, they fell into Charybdis : for they had no sooner got clear 
of the ships, than they became exposed to the rocket- boats. The discharge 
followed the poor wretches into the village. Truly it was an awful day for 
the black-haired race of Ham !" 

In another part of the book we have an account of a skilful manoeuvre, 
which placed a large body of the Chinese between two fires, by which six 
hundred were slain, with a loss to the British force of only one killed. 
The Chinese (says Captain Bingham) coidd do nothing against the terrific 
broadsides of the ships, the shells, and the rockets. In numerous in- 
stances, the Chinese, having no notion that quarter would be extended to 
them, rushed upon the bayonets of their invaders, and destroyed them- 
selves before their eyes. 

Captain Bingham estimates the losses of the Chinese as very large : — 
u Their losses, since the commencement of our hostile operations against 
them, may be estimated in round numbers at from fifteen to twenty thou- 
sand men, and about eighteen hundred pieces of cannon of different calibre, 
with an immense quantity of the other materials of war." 

The war is now ended for the present. A treaty has been concluded be- 
tween China and Great Britain, of which the following are the most im- 
portant provisions : — 

" 1. Lasting peace and friendship between the two empires. 

"2. China to pay $21,000,000 in the course of the present and three 
succeeding years. 

<*3. The ports of Canton, Amoy, Foo-choo-foo, Ningpoo, and Shanghai 
to be thrown open to British merchants ; consular officers to be appointed 
to reside at them ; and regular and just tariffs of import and export (as 
well as inland transit) duties to be established and published. 

" 4. The island of Hong-Kong to be ceded in perpetuity to her Britannic 
Majesty, her heirs and successors. 

" The Chinese ports thrown open by this treaty, in addition to Canton, 
are — 1. Amoy, about 24 degrees 27 minutes north latitude ; an excellent 
harbor, with a numerous and wealthy trading population. 2. Foo-choo- 
foo, the capital of the province of Foo-kien, is about thirty miles above 
Hoo-kiang, the anchoring place at the mouth of the Min ; the Lord Am- 
herst sailed up the river to the city in 1832. The population can scarcely 
be under 400,000. The best tea-plantations are in the interior of Foo-kien ; 



THE CHINESE WAR, 241 

and Foo-choo-foo is the emporium of the black tea trade. The principal 
articles of export are tea, timber for building, tobacco, and cotton. 3. 
Ningpoo, where the British had a factory till 1759. Lindsay assigns to it 
between 300,000 and 400,000 inhabitants. 4. Shanghai, a place of great 
trade and importance. The climate at Shanghai and Ningpoo, the most 
northerly of these ports, is oppressively hot in summer, but the winters 
are very severe, and woollen cloths in great demand. The currents in the 
estuary of the Yang-tse-kiang, among the small islands of the Chusan 
group, and along the intervening shores, are strong, complicated, and as 
yet but imperfectly known." 

The Chinese were extremely desirous to come to an understanding in 
regard to the opium trade, but this was declined by the British negotiator. 
A writer in the London Times remarks on this point : — 

" It ought to receive the immediate and grave attention of ministers, and 
much of the benefit of our new commercial relations with China may be 
contingent, both as to duration and as to extent, upon the course which 
may be pursued with reference to the opium trade. We think it of the 
highest moment that the government of Great Britain should wash its 
hands, once for all, not only of all diplomatic, but of all moral and practi- 
cal responsibility for this traffic ; that we should cease to be mixed 
up with it, to foster it, or to make it a source of Indian revenue, as we 
did in the days of Sir John Hobhouse and Lord Auckland ; that we should 
not only disavow, but distinctly discourage and set our faces against it, in 
all the ports of China, instead of countenancing and protecting it, as in 
the days of Sir G. Robinson and Captain Elliott ; in short, that it should 
be put down, as far as policy on the part of our government can put it 
down, without infringement of the principle that we are not to guaranty 
the revenue laws of other nations. 

" In the eyes of all Europe, British character would stand higher for 
such a vindication, which (to speak honestly) is, under the circumstances, 
very much needed : much more in China, where it is inevitable that the 
worst possible impressions should prevail as to our motives for engaging 
in this war. If we take such measures, we shall be supported by the re- 
spect of the Chinese government and people in a position which otherwise 
we could maintain only through their fears. Nor ought it to be forgotten 
that, in this case, religion, justice, and humanity, point in the same direc- 
tion with policy. The responsibility of counteracting just and paternal 
laws, however imperfectly administered, and of pushing, in the face of such 
laws, a traffic in demoralization and vice, is heavy ; and we owe some $ 
moral compensation to China for pillaging her towns and slaughtering her j 
citizens in a quarrel which never could have arisen if we had not been I 
guilty of this national crime." 

Sir Henry Pottinger now proposes to proceed to Japan, to claim sat- 
igfaction for received insults, and to demand admission for British ships to 
those islands on terms of mutual mercantile advantage I ! 

21 



242 ENGLAND 






CHAPTER VIII. 
ENGLAND. 

I. INTERNAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT OP- 
PRESSION OF THE PEOPLE BY THE ARISTOCRACY PAUPER- 
ISM. 

The misdeeds of the British government are not fortui- 
tous accidents, referable to the extreme perversity of some 
minister. Notwithstanding the numerous changes which 
have occurred during the last two centuries in the administra- 
tion of the government ; notwithstanding the changes which 
have brought sometimes the Whigs, and sometimes the To- 
ries into power, English policy has always remained the 
same ; it has been constantly inspired by the same thought, 
ruled by the same necessities, and served by the same 
means. 

England is that country of all others, where the oppres- 
sion of the masses for the benefit of a few has been con- 
ducted in the most scientific and thorough manner. The 
crimes of the English aristocracy against the people over 
whom it tyrannizes, are equally as horrid as those it has 
committed in the name of the nation, in every part of the 
globe. 

The soil of England, as is well known, belongs almost 
entirely to this aristocracy ; it composes the House of 
Lords, and rules in the House of Commons. The Reform 
bill, which gave some power to the middling interests, did 
not take away the direction of affairs from the House of 
Lords. The English aristocracy is still mistress of the 
soil, and of the political power of England. 



ENGLAND. 243 

Although haughty and insolent, it has never been exclu- 
sive, like the French nobility. It receives as recruits all 
those men of the middling interests who obtain political 
power, thus taking away from the lower classes their natu- 
ral chiefs, and attaching the middle class to its interests. 

The power of the English aristocracy is defended by the 
subsidies enjoyed by the nobler families. All the superior 
grades in the army and navy, all the rich endowments of 
the church, trie wealthiest in the world, are considered as 
the patrimony of these old families. 

By the exercise of these privileges, the nobility absorb 
a great part of the public revenues, and hold in their hands 
the wealth of the state. This would be a great deal in 
other countries, but the advantages of the English aristocra- 
cy do not stop here. 

The raising of taxes brings nearly all the expenses of the 
government upon the poorer classes. The nobility talk 
about the taxes upon dogs, horses, carriages, servants, and 
plate ; but these taxes are very light, and the revenue de- 
rived from them is extremely small. Most of the revenues 
of the British empire arise from Custom House duties, and 
from taxes on articles of daily and constant consumption, 
which are paid by the people. The administration of jus- 
tice gives the English aristocracy another instrument of 
power. The people cannot appear in a higher court, where 
the expenses are enormous. We see there only justices 
of the peace, who are extensive landholders, either nobles 
or susceptible of becoming so, or curates, who in all cases 
are named by the nobility. 

The powers of a justice of the peace are immense. He 
grants licenses to those who wish to keep a porter-house 
or tavern, and these licenses, according to Lord Brougham, 
represent a value of two millions of pounds sterling. The 
justice of the peace takes cognizance of all civil and 
minor offences, and at the same time performs the duties 
of an officer of the judiciary police. He issues warrants 



244 ENGLAND. 

of arrest for those accused of crimes. The courts compo- 
sed of several justices of the peace, or the Quarter Sessions, 
pronounce judgment of imprisonment or fine, and even of 
transportation for from seven to fourteen years. The jus- 
tice of the peace likewise, assisted by a colleague whom 
he has invited to dinner, may shut up a road which passes 
over his property, or that of his neighbor and friend, and 
may thus deprive the people of the use of it. 

What man in the country can resist such 'a power ? he 
who exercises it is absolutely master of the liberty and for- 
tune of the small proprietor, the poor farmer, and particularly 
of the laborer. 

The justice and priest, therefore, are the most terrible 
instruments of oppression possessed by the English aristo- 
cracy. Theil warrants of arrest have been traded oil' in a 
tavern, and multiplied unnecessarily, in order to summon 
their poor dependants or neighbors as witnesses, and extort 
from them small fees. 

The justice of the peace is particularly severe in regard 
to all infractions of the game laws. Not satisfied with pun- 
ishing the poacher with dogs and guns, and assailing him. 
with game-keepers and mantraps, as justices of the peace 
they enforce rigorously those laws, which they passed 
while in parliament. Oilences against the game-laws give 
rise to a large proportion of the convictions which occur in 
England. In the eyes of a justice of the peace, tin- poach- 
er is a wild beast, a wolf, an enemy of mankind. We do 
not exaggerate ; we merely quote the expressions heard by 
lord Brougham, who prefers the jurisdiction of the Turkish 
cadi to that of an English justice of the peace. 

The severity of the English aristocracy against poachers 
brings to mind the early histories of the conquest, when an 
enormous extent of country was depopulated to establish 
parks, and procure for the king and Norman lords the pleas- 
ures of the chase. It is not surprising that the ballads 
which record the adventures of Robin Hood and his merry 



ENGLAND. 245 

men are yet popular. Poaching and poachers are the sub- 
jects of many modern songs, and the justice of the peace 
is treated in them with no more respect than in the satire 
of Shakspeare, who was himself a poacher. 

The oppression of the country people, and the ascenden- 
cy of the large proprietors, have nearly driven the small 
farmer from the soil of England ; and to prevent his reap- 
pearance, the commons have been divided between the pro- 
prietors only. The poor man who formerly enjoyed them, 
who danced on them at every holyday, and whose pig and 
cow were permitted to feed upon the public pasture, is now 
deprived of this privilege, without any compensation ; the 
agrarian law has been brought to bear upon him by the ex- 
tensive landholders. This robbery has been cloaked by 
remarks upon the interests of agriculture, the increase of 
the nett profit to result from if, and these arguments were 
irresistible. 

The state of the country in England now resembles, in 
many respects, the state of Italy under the Roman empire. 
There is, however, this dilierence, that the Roman noble 
left his ground uncultivated, because his herds produced 
more prolits than the cultivation of the soil, and because he 
had a taste for parks, while the extensive English proprie- 
tor cultivates the ground and obtains fine farms. This dif- 
ference, however, proves little in favor of the English aris- 
tocrats ; it is the result of the progress of agriculture, and 
of the existence of a class of capitalists who invest their 
money in the soil, as they would in any manufacture. 

Farther, what profit does the poor man derive from the 
perfection of English agriculture ? None at all. The 
salary which the farmer pays him, during a few months of 
the year, is not enough for his support, and he has not a 
spot of earth where he can lay his head ; such was the con- 
dition of the agricultural laborer in the Roman empire ; 
such is his condition now in England. Thirty-one heads 
of families in the parish of Bledlow were reduced to most 
21* 



r 



246 ENGLAND. 

frightful poverty, and wrote to demand assistance ; " All 
that we ask," said they, " is to hire a spot of ground where 
we can plant some potatoes, but no one will let it to us." 
These heads of families make from sixty to seventy-five 
shillings per year. 

The English aristocracy are not content with monopoli- 
zing the soil, with having reduced a large portion of the 
population to a condition worse by several degrees than 
slavery, but have found a mode of making cities pay espe- 
cial duties in their favor. We allude here to the corn-laws, 
which now attract so much attention. 

It is known that England, even when the harvest is most 
abundant, does not raise enough of bread-stuffs for her own 
consumption. In order to enhance the price of her farms, 
the large landholders, who rule the kingdom, prohibit the 
importation of grain by means of a high duly, until wheat 
is seventy-five shillings the quarter, and other bread-stuffs 
at a similar price. Thus the aristocracy assumes a kind 
of monopoly of the food of the English ; in the energetic 
language of the Westminster Review, the aristocracy puts 
its hand on the table of every Englishman, and refuses him 
bread until he pays tribute. The amount of this tribute is 
estimated at eighteen millions two hundred thousand pounds 
sterling. This estimate is probably exaggerated, but the 
sum derived from the monopoly of bread-stuffs is certainly 
very great. 

The corn-laws have also another result more prejudicial 
to the people than the permanent high price of provisions ; 
they prevent an extensive trade in bread-stuffs, and thereby 
give rise to frequent and great gradations in the price of 
corn, and hence the Whigs have proposed a fixed duty on 
corn introduced into England. 

We have mentioned some of the means of oppression of 
the English aristocracy. Let us now glance at the nature 
and results of its government. 

The object of the English policy for the last two centu- 



ENGLAND. 247 

nes seems to have been to procure, by any and every means, 
consumers for the products of her manufactures ; to increase 
the legitimate and illegitimate profits of the British mer- 
chants and operatives, by destroying all competition. The 
English aristocracy understand perfectly that the internal 
policy pursued with the people would soon exhaust their 
wealth, if it were not incessantly renewed by the continued 
progress of commerce and industry. 

The external policy of the British government has then 
for its ostensible object the interest of the merchants, manu- 
facturers, and capitalists. Hence this class, or those who 
rule it, are attached to the cause of aristocracy, which favors 
their business, forms immense monopolies for their advan- 
tage, and, finally, often admits them among their number. 

This middle class of respectable men serves as the me- 
dium between the aristocracy and the lower classes of the 
people, with which it treats directly, and whom it oppresses. 

It is the loner classes of the English people which sup- 
port the weight of civilization, which furnish the wealth 
of the aristocracy, and the riches of the middle class, by 
unparalleled efforts and sufferings. * It is in the history of 
* Take for instance the collieries, and think tor a moment of the cruelty 
and suffering imposed on the girls and boys who work in the coal-mines, 
" and which," says the Dublin Freeman's Journal, " slavery in its most 
hideous term a sd, while the condition, physicalas well as moral, 

pf the most de idsman, may be esteemed exalted, if compared 

with that of tb :r of England." Another journal remarks : •< The. 

infernal cruelties practised on boys and girls In the coal-mines, have never 
in any age been outdone. Young creatures, both male and ieinale, 6, 7, 8, 
and 9 years old, stark naked in some eases, chained like brutes to coal- 
carriages, and dragging them on all- fours through sludge six or seven inches 
deep, in total darkness, for 10, occasionally 20, in special iustances 30 hours 
successively, without any other cessation, even to get their meals, than is 
casually afforded by the miners ; here is a pretty picture of British civili- 
zation. One cannot read through the evidence taken by the commissioner, 
without being strongly tempted to abjure the name of Englishman." 

If we look into the parliamentary reports on this subject, we find it sta- 
ted by Mr. Fletcher, " that in the smaller collieries of the Oldham district, 
children are employed as early as C, 5, and even 4 years of age. Some 
are so young that they go even in their bed-gowns. One little fellow 
could not even articulate." Mr. Sender says that girls from o to 16 perform 



248 ENGLAND. 

pauperism that we must study English society, to under- 
stand the culpability of the system which governs it. 

Until the Reformation, indigence and poverty presented 
the same character in England as in the rest of Europe. 

the work of boys ; a broad belt is buckled round their waist, to the front 
of which a chain is fastened, which, when they go down on all fours, is 
passed between their legs, and attached to the canoe which they drag after 
them, thus harnessed to it like animals. Another commissioner states : 
" Girls perform all the offices of trapping, hurrying, &c, just as they are 
performed by boys. On descending Messrs. Hopwoods' pit at Barnsly, I 
found assembled round the fire a group of men, boys, and girls, the girls as 
well as the boys stark naked down to their waist, the hair bound up with 
tight caps, and trousers supported by their hips." 

In the southern part of the West Riding of Yorkshire, in great numbers 
of the coal-pits, the men work in a state of perfect nakedness, and are hi 
this state assisted by females of all ages, from girls of six years old to 
women of twenty-one ; these females themselves being quite naked to the 
waist. 

Says a female : " I wear a belt and chain at the workings to get the ca- 
noes out. The getters are naked except their raps ; they sometimes beat 
me if I am not quick enough. There are twenty hoys and fifteen men ; all 
are naked." 

Nor are these awful scenes witnessed in the collie?ies only. Public opin- 
ion forced parliament to look into the subject of the Chimney-sweep chil- 
dren. One parliamentary report says, "These children are sometimes 
stolen for this purpose. They are very subject to burns, from their being 
forced up chimneys while on fire, and while overheated ; and however they 
may cry out, their inhuman masters pay not the least attention, but com- 
pel them too often with horrid imprecations to proceed. They are some- 
times sent up chimneys on fire ! It is in evidence before your committee 
that female children have been employed, and also that they are stolen 
from their parents and inveigled out of workhouses ; that in order to con- 
quer the natural repugnance of these infants to ascend the narrow, danger- 
ous chimneys, blows are used ; that pins are forced into their feet by the 
boy that follows them up the chimney, in order to compel them to ascend 
it, and that lighted straw has been applied for that purpose." The above 
are all facts taken from authentic documents to be found in the reports to 
the British parliament. Many more examples of a similar character may 
be seen in Lester's " Condition and Fate of England." 

These facts indicate the actual state of things in moral, intellectual, and 
humanized England! England, which robs her people of bread to sustain 
a vast naval power for the suppression of the African slave-trade, while 
within her own territory is carried on an abandoned traffic in the flesh and 
blood of little children ! England, who raises millions annually from her 
benevolent philanthropists, for the benefit of foreign heathens, when nearly 
one fifth of her own population grow up in the grossest ignorance, and 



ENGLAND. 249 

Henry VIII. having confiscated or distributed to the nobility 
the church property, beggars flocked to the kingdom from 
all parts. They were pursued without mercy ; seventy- 
two thousand thieves, vagabonds, or beggars, were hung 
under the reign of this prince. Atrocious laws were soon 
passed ; according to a statute of Edward VI., " every man 
or woman who lives three days without work shall have 
the letter V burned on the breast with a hot iron, and shall 
be condemned to serve the person by whom they are ar- 
rested. This person shall find them with bread and wa- 
ter, and shall oblige them to work." The atrocity of this 
law rendered its application impossible ; it was necessary, 
also, to make a law in regard to poor householders and la- 
borers out of employ ; they were provided for by a statute 
of Edward VI., and finally by a statute of Elisabeth. The 
proprietors or farmers of each parish were compelled to pro- 
vide for their own poor ; the law declared that the poor man 
had a right to live, and that the parish was bound to supply 
the means. 

This law continued in force up to 1834, but produced 
many abuses. An open warfare occurred between the land- 
holders or capitalists and the poor people. Parishes were 
known to be at law for years, in order to avoid giving alms 
to some poor people, to expel in a single day by virtue of 
law thirty or forty families from their territory, and to de- 
molish their cabins in order not to be imposed upon. The 
poor-rate varied in different localities ; it was eight shillings 
a head and a year in some counties, and forty in others ; 
the appointment of overseers of the poor in many places 
was sought after, and every employer attempted to regain 
his poor rates by reducing the salary of his workmen. 

The burden of the poor-rates fell upon persons who were 

without any useful impressions of religion or morality. England, which 
has gained a foothold in India, by the grossest tyranny ever exercised by 
any nation in any couutry, has planted her authority in New Holland by 
poisoning the natives with arsenic, and in China by smuggling into the 
country a poison no less deadly. 



250 ENGLAND. 

very poor themselves. In 1830, in London, fifty families 
who were assessed for the payment of the tax were obliged 
to sell their furniture, and even their beds. 

It has been said that the law of Elisabeth increased the 
number of poor people in England. But whatever were its 
defects, we think it rather shared the progress of pauper- 
ism, than caused it. 

The principal result of this law was to permit English 
manufacturers and farmers to reduce the salaries of their 
workmen, and to make them pay a large part of them to the 
parish. Hence, to a certain extent, this law offered a pre- 
mium for its production by large factories, by large farms. 

The degradation of the poor who asked aid from the 
parish was the inevitable consequence of this law ; it is 
impossible to imagine a state nearer slavery than this. 

The advance of industry, and the introduction of machi- 
nery, increased the power of the capitalists, and rendered the 
condition of the workmen more precarious and wretched. 
Several times have they revolted and broken the machines, 
but they have always been put down by atrocious execu- 
tions and by Bavage laws. During the discussion of one 
of these laws in 1812, Lord Byron remarked in parliament : 
" I have passed through Spain, desolated by a war, I have 
lived in some of the most oppressed provinces of Turkey, 
and have nowhere witnessed so much misery as in Eng- 
land." But of what importance was it to the noble legisla- 
tors ! they certainly placed but little value upon the life of 
an operative. 

The poor rates have increased rapidly since the com- 
mencement of this century. In 1801, England devoted to 
this purpose four millions seventy-eight thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety-one pounds, and in 1812, eight millions six 
hundred and forty thousand eight hundred and forty-two 
pounds. From that time until 1834, the poor-rates were 
about the same. 

Finally, it was found that the poor people cost too much, 



ENGLAND. '251 

and the legislation in regard to indigent people was changed. 
While the law of Elisabeth was in force, many parishes 
had erected work-houses, infamous places where the sick 
and the vagrants were crowded in pell-mell ; where* chil- 
dren slept in the same bed with paralytic people, phthisical 
people, and prostitutes ; it was resolved to place the work- 
house system on a new plan. The parishes were request- 
ed to associate to build edifices of this kind, and to shut up 
in them those poor people who wanted assistance. Ac- 
cording to the system established in 1834, the poor people 
were no longer to receive assistance at home ; they were 
obliged to die of hunger or go to the work-house. If they 
accepted any asylum which was offered them by the pre- 
tended charity of the government, they must be separated 
from their families, for in the work-house those of different 
ages and sexes are separated. As a compensation, they 
were offered soup, greens, water, and pork twice a week. 
To obtain this nourishment, they must submit to hard and 
useless labor, the mill. The advocates of the law of 1834 
have re-established against the poor people the usual pun- 
ishments of Roman slaves, by making them to turn a mill. 
Do not think, however, that they have any remorse.- " We 
cannot admit," say they in their first report, " that the se- 
verity of the regimen in the work-house is excessive, since, 
after all, we place the poor man beyond the risk of starving 
to death." 

The expected effect is produced in every part ; the poor 
man strains every nerve to keep out of the work-house ; 
during a rigorous winter, one hundred and forty-nine pau- 
pers came to the office at Cuckfield in a single session, to 
demand charity. The overseers offered meal to some, and 
the work-house to a hundred and eighteen ; six only accept- 
ed, and went away the second day rather than submit to the 
punishment of the hand-mill. 

What became of those unhappy, unfortunate people, who 
could not endure the horrible regimen imposed by British 



252 ENGLAND. 

charity ? They died of famine, or they sought a less diffi- 
cult labor ; they dug ditches during the frosts of winter, 
and broke up stones for McAdamizing the roads. There 
were'some who, although affected by fever, and hunger, and 
famine, refused to enter the work-house, and whom the 
overseers of the poor were obliged to assist at their houses, 
notwithstanding the recommendation of the government of- 
ficers. Sometimes also money was granted, through fear 
lest the poor should become desperate, as was the case at 
Nottingham in 1836. 

The object of the law of 1834 was to reduce the poor- 
rates. In 1S37, the poor cost only four millions forty-four 
thousand seven hundred and forty-one pounds, a good re- 
sult. But how much of suffering did this economy bring ? 
How many poor people of the one million three hundred 
thousand died of hunger or were subjected to horrid priva- 
tions? Who can measure the consequences of this law of 
1834, consequences before which the imagination shrinks ? 

It is true that the British legislator has nothing to do 
with this side of the question. He attempted to economize 
in this manner, and to crowd the indigent population upon 
the employer, farmer, or manufacturer, to bring the salaries 
of the laborer to his primitive wants, although, in the view 
of Malthus, this should cost the lives of thousands of men. 
Hence each official report contains a pompous eulogy on 
this law. The employers, farmers, and manufacturers, 
however, resisted, being injured by this economy ; they 
not only refused to advance the wages, but excited re- 
volts which were put down by dragoons, the usual mode of 
establishing order. This new law was not introduced into 
the manufacturing counties of the north of England till after 
six years. When it was in full vigor, an attempt was made 
to divide the laborers between them, to drive away the Irish 
and Scotch, by refusing to them all kinds of succor, or rather 
to kill them, pretending that it would cost too much to send 
them home. 



ENGLAND. 253 

In fact, out of the British kingdom, there is no instance 
of wretchedness similar to that existing among the laboring 
classes over the whole of England. It is hidden in the ci- 
ties, in the rear of the palaces, and the large hotels ; in the 
country, behind the parks and the brick houses of the aris- 
tocracy. Interrogate those who have visited the houses of 
the poor, those wretched spots compared with which the 
Hell of Dante seems an abode of pleasure. 

London is the metropolis of Great Britain ; the pride of 
the wealthiest people that ever existed. Pass through that 
splendid city, and enter the parishes of Bethnal Green and 
Shoreditch, which have a population of nearly seventy thou- 
sand. " A great portion of this district," says an author 
worthy of every confidence,* " is occupied by spots called 
gardens, where the proprietors and speculators have erect- 
ed a great many hovels one story high, for lodgings for 
poor families. These cabins are surrounded by a fence of 
rotten boards, and there are no streets nor gutters. The 
ground is not even levelled, but here are banks of earth and 
filth, there pools filled with water which taint the atmos- 
phere around it. These abominable places are left unpro- 
tected, unsurveyed. The hovels are half rotten ; there are 
no drains, nor lights, nothing, in fact, to indicate the police 
of a city." 

To this general description we will add a few remarks 
from the official reports of a committee of physicians. 
" Lamb's Fields presents a surface seven hundred feet long, 
and three hundred feet broad. Of this space three hundred 
feet are constantly covered with stagnant water, both sum- 
mer and winter. In the part thus submerged is a large 
mass of putrefying animal and vegetable matter. This 
place is surrounded by an open trench, into which all the 
privies of North Street empty themselves. Lamb's Fields 

* Eugene Buret, in his work entitled " De la Misere des classes laborieu- 
ses en Angleterre et en France." A capital book, from which we take 
many facts. 

22 



254 ENGLAND. 

is a fruitful source of fever for the houses around. We 
saw houses where entire families were swept off by fever, 
and there are some streets where it always exists. Typhus 
fever is endemic in those parts of London inhabited by poor 
people. The physicians there have seen with horror six 
persons laboring under fever in one room, and four in a sin- 
gle bed." Eugene Buret states that these habitations are in- 
ferior in cleanliness and appearance to the dirtiest stables, 
and that he has visited many families without a single arti- 
cle of furniture, and even destitute of boards to spread their 
straw beds on, and with but a few rags to cover their naked- 
ness. 

And the misery of the laborers in London is not an ex- 
ception to what is generally seen : the quarters inhabited 
by the poor at Bristol, Leeds, Nottingham, and Manchester 
present the same appearance ; in every part yards filled 
with clothes hung up to dry ; no pavements, stagnant wa- 
ter, in which their naked and dirty children are puddling ; 
lodgings frightful and indescribable, beds sometimes occu- 
pied by as many as eight persons of different ages and sex- 
es. In every part epidemic typhus and contagious fevers, 
which constantly decimate the poor population, and carry 
the plague into the rich neighborhoods. This last circum- 
stance gave rise to ihose medical inquiries, which no one 
would have suggested if the lives of respectable gentlemen 
had not been endangered. 

The description of the habitations of the poor in England 
is not sufficient to give an idea of their misery. One must 
enter their lodgings, see the poor man starving with his 
family, to understand how much of suffering the economi- 
cal regime to which England is subjected imposes on man. 
We will make a few more extracts from M. Buret. " This 
family is composed of eight persons, all present at the time 
of our visit. The head of the family was a silk-velvet 
weaver, English by birth, and yet young. He earned sev- 
en shillings and a half weekly, but was not employed con- 



ENGLAND. 255 

stantly. In his room was neither chair, table, nor bed. 
In one corner was a heap of straw, and in this straw were 
three naked children crouched like animals, and half cov- 
ered by a strip of cloth. The wife turned her back to us, 
attempting in vain to hold together the remnants of her 
gown. The man had on a blue coat, on which there were 
yet a few buttons 5 but had no shirt. He received us po- 
litely, and made known in sadness, but calmly, the horror 
of his situation. He had a Bible in his hand when we en- 
tered, and as the almoner asked him why he did not go to 
church, he showed us his naked chest, his wife standing 
abashed in a corner, and his children hiding from us one 
behind the other, and answered that he should soon be un- 
able even to go and look for work. This family was con- 
sidered honest. 

" ' Have you children V asked one of the commissioners 
of a weaver. ' No, I had two, but, thank God, they are 
dead.' — ■ And are you glad that your children are dead ?' 
1 Yes, I am freed from the care of providing them with 
food, and they, poor dear creatures, are rid of their worldly 
troubles.' " 

Who could wonder at despair, on reading, in a report of 
the visiter of the poor at Manchester, the following ? " On 
the 3d of February, 1838, I entered a cellar, inhabited by 
a weaver. On a miserable bed was his wife, who had been 
confined, so sick that she could scarcely speak ; in another 
corner of that dark and damp cellar, I perceived a dead 
child. I asked the husband why it was not buried. He 
answered that he could not pay for the interment. The 
poor man, who made at the most but seven or eight shil- 
lings per week, was himself sick, and had earned nothing 
for the week before his wife was confined, and therefore 
was unable to prepare for that event." 

Such facts are not rare. There are thousands of men in 
England in this situation. But they cannot all preserve 
their energy, morality, and virtue : many of them become 



'^56 ENGLAND. 

addicted to drunkenness and theft ; they become completely 
brutal, and are affected with all the vices of slavery. Their 
loose morals often serve as a theme of discourse to the ora- 
tors and writers of the aristocracy which oppresses them, 
as if misery was not the most powerful cause of corruption 
— as if the manners of the aristocracy were purer than 
those of these wretched beings. 

We must add, that the English church and Tory nobility, 
to their eternal shame, oppose all plans for giving the people 
a moral and intellectual education. Finally, when they 
cannot prevent any amelioration, they demand that the edu- 
cation of the people shall be intrusted to the Established 
Church, doubtless to prevent the results of the intellectual 
development of the lower classes of society. 

We see that the English government is no less criminal 
in regard to its subjects than to foreign nations. Cruel and 
aspiring, the government has for its end to satisfy the appe- 
tites of the most greedy aristocracy that has ever been seen 
on the earth. In her view, men are only the instruments 
of production : war, peace, treaties, alliances, and laws, are 
the results of speculations, with a view to nett profits. It 
is thus that England has planted her foot upon the soil of 
nearly every country ; has appropriated large sums destined 
for the use of the public ; and has even raised a large reve- 
nue from the corn-laws. At this time, its politics have 
been so successful, that it consumes all the wealth which 
the English can acquire ; and in a country where machinery 
does the work of eighty-four millions of laborers, more than 
a million of men are suffering in extreme misery, and more 
than one hundred thousand are perishing with hunger. The 
poor man, the operative, has no interest in English society. 
An inquiry was recently made as to the state of the hand- 
loom weavers. It was admitted that the introduction of 
steam machinery for this purpose would throw out of em- 
ploy a large and industrious class of laborers ; that more 
than one hundred thousand men would thus be left without 



ENGLAND. 257 

bread. It was said that agriculture, and no other branch of 
industry, required them. It is in the face of facts of this 
kind that hymns are sung in Parliament in honor of the 
poor-law. 

This law, the most recent and outrageous crime that the 
British government has committed against the people, has 
caused a great sensation. It has given to the Chartists an 
energy and vigor hitherto unseen in the uprisings of the 
English people. The rigors of the new poor-law have 
given rise to many popular songs, several of which are re- 
markable for their wild energy. The proud inspector of 
this law, the king of beggars, the king of the parish, figures 
with all his epithets by the side of Bill Fast-a-month and 
Betsey Skin-and-bone, and other similar personages. The 
causes of the wretchedness of the English people are well 
understood; and probably, unless England can get up some 
new war, her citizens will testify their resentment in some 
other mode than by caricatures and epigrams. 

22* 



258 TORTURES OF 



CHAPTER IX. 
TORTURES OF PRISONERS OF WAR. 

I. HULKS OF CHATHAM. 

We have already recounted deeds of infamous treason ; 
we have seen in England, to use a celebrated expression, 
the bloody hand, the hand of crime, ordering with the cool- 
ness of a mercantile transaction the most cruel executions, 
when it was thought that any profit would result from them. 
We have now to record facts of an order still more horrible. 
It seems that the country of Hobbes and Malthus was 
destined to bring to light all the doctrines which are offen- 
sive to human morals, and at the same time to practise all 
the crimes which might, logically speaking, be considered 
the living formula of these odious creeds. 

To deceive their allies, however, to massacre the van- 
quished, to burn entire cities, to destroy by the sword or by 
poison a dangerous friend — these are acts of which we find 
instances in the annals of a people whose manners were not 
civilized by the Christian religion ; and it was reserved for 
England to exceed every example of villany known. 

Let us glance at the history of Sparta, Rome, and Car- 
thage, inquire in what manner their prisoners were treated, 
and compare this treatment with that which the British 
cabinet invented for the French soldiers during the last war. 

Christians have protested against the slavery of the an- 
cients ; and the language of the apostle is beautiful : " Mas- 
ters, be just and faithful unto your servants, knowing that 
you too have a Master in heaven." Among the ancients, 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 259 

the prisoner of war was a slave ; the conquered was ser- 
vant to the conqueror ; he was his goods, his property, his 
patrimony. There is certainly brutality in this custom ; 
this appropriation of man to the service of another man 
cannot be justified, except by a usage of barbarism. But 
if we compare this barbarism with the base cruelties exer- 
cised by England upon her captives, it is clemency. To 
the slave, servus, belonged at least the benefit of life : he 
was considered as an enemy saved, servatus ; his master 
had absolute rights over him, but the severity of the law 
was tempered by humanity ; and Plutarch blames Cato the 
elder, because he sold his slaves when they were too old 
to labor. The Roman slave remained most frequently on 
his native soil ; and even when the caprice of his master 
carried him to a foreign soil, he lived in the sunlight, and 
he enjoyed the air which his health required. Was he in- 
jured by the avarice or cruelty of his master, he could 
take refuge in the temple, and then, after invoking the pro- 
tection of the gods, no one dared to touch him with a 
sacrilegious hand. Such was this regime, against which 
the kind feelings of the apostle were indignant. Let us 
see how this has been modified by England, eighteen cen- 
turies after the mission of St. Paul. 

The narrative of the tortures inflicted on the French 
soldiers in the floating prisons of England, has been faith- 
fully pictured by a man who experienced all their rigors — 
General Pillet. We shall extract a few pages from a work 
which he published in 1815, entitled " England, as seen at 
London and in the Provinces ;" a work which has become 
extremely rare, having been bought up and destroyed by 
the British government. General Pillet states the fol- 
lowing : — 

" The hulks or old vessels which serve for prisoners of 
war, are generally seventy-fours. The prisoners occupy 
the hold and the between-decks, from each end of which a 
quarter part has been partitioned off. That portion of the 



260 TORTURES OF 

garrison which is not on service, always sleeps there with 
loaded arms, and the partition which separates them is 
strengthened by large beams. At intervals are port-holes, 
through which cannon may be pointed and fired upon the 
prisoners. 

" The rest of the vessel is occupied by the English offi- 
cers and sailors, excepting a small space under the fore- 
castle, where the galley of the prisoners is situated. 

" The whole of this space presents a surface of four feet 
long by thirty-six feet wide ; it serves both for a promenade 
and a ventilator for nine hundred men. All around the ves- 
sel, a foot and a half above the surface of the water, is a 
gallery, where are situated nil'ners at the extremities of the 
gangways, and at every place designed for the prisoners. 
This mixture of sentinels, whose watchwords are changed 
according to the caprice or the brutality of the commander 
of the hulk, gives rise to many assassinations ; they have 
been much more frequent, because the marines who were 
destined for the service and the armament of vessels arc 
generally composed in England of the offscourings of so- 
ciety — men who have been guilty of some great crimes, and 
to whom the magistrate presents no alternative except to 
enter the marine service or to be hung. 

"In 1813, there were nine of these prison-hulks in 
Chatham Roads. They were placed at such distances as 
to prevent any communication between the prisoners, either 
orally or by signs. But they were so near as to be under 
surveillance, one from the other. These hulks were moored 
by chains at each end, in fetid and stagnant water, and left 
aground by every tide. The putrid, moist, and saline air 
which is breathed there is often sufficient, even without 
bad treatment or bad nourishment, to destroy, in a very 
short time, the most robust state of health. The prisoners 
of war were also exposed to many other causes equally 
fatal by their directors. The object of this regimen was, 
to destroy the prisoners. This treatment was as follows : 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 261 

" The dimensions or height of the between-decks of the 
Brunswick, the hulk on board of which I was a prisoner, 
was exactly four feet ten inches, so that the shortest man 
could hardly stand erect. It was a kind of perpetual pun- 
ishment, which none of those tyrants who have hitherto 
disgraced the human species had imagined for the greatest 
criminals. Most of those men who were confined there lost 
the use of their limbs, and could never stand again. The 
openings for ventilation consisted of fourteen small win- 
dows on each side, seventeen square inches each, unglazed ; 
the prisons on the land and water where the French are 
placed in England never have glass windows, although the 
temperature there is generally moist and cold, and the win- 
ters are extremely long. In fact, the heat produced by the 
stowage of the prisoners is so great, that the ventilators 
can only be closed on one side at a time, viz., that exposed 
to the wind ; and this is done with old clothes. These 
openings are crossed by iron gratings, which are cast in 
one mass ; the bars are from two to three inches thick, and 
the ventilators are closed every evening by a wooden port. 
The same precautions are employed to close the narrow 
ports of the lower battery. 

u It follows, from this and similar precautions, that men 
who were shut up by hundreds in the batteries and the be- 
tween-decks, hermetically closed in winter for at least 
sixteen hours per day, generally became weak and suffo- 
cated, absolutely from the want of pure air. If an attempt 
was made to open one of the ventilators — a favor which 
was not obtained without much trouble, and without knock- 
ing for a long time at the port-hole, when the dying man 
was carried to breathe a moment — those near the openings 
who were completely naked in consequence of the extreme 
heat, became chilled by the cold air thus admitted ; perspi- 
ration became checked, and they were soon infected with 
an inflammatory disease. These diseases soon extended 
to the lungs, and became extremely dangerous, particularly 



262 TORTURES OF 

to the young men. This disease also endangered all, 
sooner or later. A prisoner who has been confined in a 
close English prison for more than three years, could not 
escape it, notwithstanding every precaution ; for the same 
arrangement exists in every part, in the prisons on shore 
as well as in the floating prisons : and this arrangement 
results from a premeditated and atrocious design. It has 
resulted in the death of sixty thousand Frenchmen, prison- 
ers of war, who have fallen victims to it. 

" The space granted to a prisoner for his hammock is 
six English feet long by fourteen inches broad ; but these 
six feet are reduced to four and a half, because the arrange- 
ments are such as to attach these hammocks one within the 
other : the head of each man consequently lies between the 
legs of two men who are in the first range of the battery ; 
if he comes in the second, his feet are placed between the 
heads of two men in the third range, in the same order of 
numbers, and so successively from one end of the battery to 
the other. The breadth of an ordinary man, from one elbow 
to the other, is about eighteen inches. Hence it is seen 
that in these hulks a man is placed in less space than his 
body requires. 

" But as it is physically impossible for men to occupy less 
space than their natural size, they are piled one over the 
other. In order to do this, an even or odd number is at- 
tached about eighteen inches lower than the two numbers 
which precede and follow it ; and in this manner a little 
more breadth is obtained — without, however, diminishing 
the danger of sickness. The situation of the prisoners in 
this state is doubtless frightful when under such restraints, 
but the evil does not stop here. The hulks are always 
more than filled. If new prisoners arrive, they are placed 
in these batteries, without any anxiety as to their fate, al- 
though the arrangements for placing them are determined 
and fixed below the standard of physical necessity. The 
new comers are thus exposed to an indescribable punish- 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 263 

ment : they find no place to hang up their hammocks, and 
are obliged to lie upon damp and naked plank. Thus a 
prisoner, whatever may be his rank, is obliged to remain in 
this state, when he comes into a hulk already full. The 
agent who takes charge of officers, always places them in 
full hulks, and he selects likewise those which are most in- 
convenient, in order that the prisoner may be obliged to use 
his pecuniary resources to purchase a place. It is a wretch- 
ed speculation for a poor starred prisoner : he consents to 
sell his place, in order to procure for himself the means of 
living for a few days ; and finally, in order not to die with 
hunger, he accelerates the destruction of his health, and is 
obliged in this horrible situation to lie upon a plank drip- 
ping with water from the perspiration of those who are 
confined in this place of death and torture. 

" In this charnel-house of eternal pains, the air is so 
loaded with moist and deleterious vapors, that the candles 
burn with difficulty. These vapors, which are inspired 
and exhaled by so many lungs in a state of suppuration, 
soon carry the germ of death to individuals not yet affected 
with it ; they were so fetid, so thick, so warm, that some- 
times the keepers have been known to cry for help, and fire, 
when the opening of one of the ventilators, as mentioned 
.above, enabled them to perceive the burning exhalations 
which escaped from these infected dungeons. These fears 
of the keepers, whether real or imaginary, were sometimes 
carried so far, that they prepared the engines to play into 
the batteries, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the pris- 
oners, who saw themselves exposed to a new affliction — 
that of inundation. 

" The government which assassinated prisoners by de- 
priving them of air, did not scruple to refuse them the food 
necessary for life. Every man received a pound and a 
half of coarse bread, a half a pound of meat of very poor 
quality, with two ounces of oat-meal and an onion. Twice 
each week a pound of salt fish was substituted for the 



I 



264 TORTURES OF 

meat : it was alternately codfish and herring. The prison- 
ers sold the herring to the contractor for one sou. 

"This was the legal or the pretended ration. In fact, 
the contractors and subordinates knew very well how to 
make illicit, profits, either in the quantity or the quality of 
the food. The system of the government created famine, 
but in such a manner as to disguise the assassination ; yet, 
with the subalterns, assassination was practised openly. 
The unhappy prisoners who were starved, vainly com- 
plained to the authorities ; they were accomplices in the 
villany, and insulted the victims." 

These principles of cruelty were followed up with a 
method and a logic which left the English government no 
excuse. In the two wars which England made upon the 
republic and the empire, the same course was pursued with 
horrid constancy. The prisons were much more murder- 
ous than the fields of battle. In the first war, thirty thou- 
sand prisoners died of famine in five months. At Norman 
Cross, a prison which contained seven thousand men, Gen- 
eral Pillet saw one corner of ground which contained lour 
thousand dead bodies. Provisions were then extremely 
dear in England, and it was said that the French govern- 
ment refused to pay the account which it was pretended 
was due for its prisoners. 

In order to discharge this debt, all the prisoners were 
placed upon half rations ; and, to be more certain of their 
death, the introduction and sale of provisions within the 
prison, which had hern hitherto permitted, were severely 
prohibited. The change in the quantity was also attended 
with a change in the quality. Four times a week, the 
prisoners received worm-eaten biscuit, fish, and salt meat ; 
three times a week, a brown loaf, badly cooked, made of 
sour meal : the prisoners, soon after eating this, were af- 
fected with a kind of drunkenness, followed by a severe 
headache, fevers, diarrhcea, and many died, being attacked 
with a kind of vertigo. For vegetables, the prisoners re- 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 265 

ceived raw beans. Finally, hundreds of men died daily of 
hunger, or were poisoned by the quality of the provisions. 
Those who survived gradually became so weak, that the 
powers of digestion were destroyed ; and, horrible to state, 
but what is nevertheless true, the unfortunate prisoners who 
were of a more robust temperament, selected from the con- 
tents of the stomach rejected by their suffering companions, 
the undigested beans, and devoured them after they had 
been subjected to a slight washing. The pangs of hunger 
knew no bounds ; the dead bodies were kept five or six 
days, to obtain their rations. 

One day, Lord Cordower, colonel of the regiment at Car- 
marthen, on guard at the prison at Port Chester, entered 
with his horse, which he lied to one of the barriers. In 
ten minutes, his horse was slaughtered and eaten. When 
the colonel returned for him. he was informed of the fact, 
but he refused to believe it, and said that he would be sat- 
isfied only on seeing the remains of his horse. It was easy 
to do this : lie was carried to the place where were the skin 
and entrails of the animal, and a wretched prisoner de- 
voured in his presence the last piece of raw meat. All the 
butchers' dogs which entered the prison shared the same 
fate. 

But it was still more scandalous, that those unfortunate 
people, who were reduced to such cruel necessities, should 
also be robbed by their executioners. When the family of 
a poor sailor, or of an unfortunate soldier, made painful 
sacrifices to send him a moderate sum of money, this sa- 
cred offering was taken, either wholly or partially, by the 
agents who were requested to distribute it. If the prisoners 
received letters announcing aid, most frequently they were 
intercepted ; and if they demanded these letters, they were 
told that nothing had been received for them. They es- 
teemed themselves very happy, if, after a year of inquiry, 
they finally received a part of the sum mentioned. If 
the prisoner died, if he was exchanged, or transferred to 
23 



266 - TORTURES OF 

another prison, the money remained in the hands of the 
agent, who thus accumulated enormous sums from the oboli 
of the imprisoned soldier. 

In regard to those officers who received, by means of 
bankers, larger sums, as the receipts were addressed to the 
bankers themselves, the theft was more difficult, but it was 
sometimes committed. 

11 The administration, which pretended to regulate the 
expenses of the prisoners, bad stipulated that thev could 
not receive more than two pounds sterling a week. If, 
then, an officer was informed that one hundred pounds had 
been sent to him, the agent presented him a receipt for the 
whole sum ; two or three months then elapsed before the 
payment of the two pounds Bterling commenced. During 
this time the agenl employed the capital received in specu- 
lations for his own profit, and if they were unsuccessful, the 
prisoners were obliged to bear the losses. These ca 
were not very rare ; Genera] Pillei cites instances of this 
kind which happened in the hulks of Chatham. 

'• Thus, the spoils of the unhappy persons who were as- 
linated, served, to encourage crime, and to recompense 
infamy. The English were hound to nourish them, but they 
were starved, and not only refused the aid which they ought 
to have received, but also were robbed of the assistance 
sent by their families. Never was there a more shameful 
robbery, not even in the annals of prisons." 

II. — HULKS oi CADIZ. 

On board the hulks at Cadiz the treatment was equally 
odious, and existence was equally cruel. But as the Span- 
ish government was there an accomplice, and the British 
government did not entirely monopolize the infamy, it would 
be foreign to our subject to present any new details on this 
topic. We will, however, state one instance to show 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 267 

the distress of those unfortunate individuals who were 
captured by the English, and carried to the hulks of Cadiz. 
" On the approach of the French army to Cadiz, all the 
prisoners were taken from the jails in the city, and sent to 
the hulks. But in the terror occasioned by the arrival of 
the French, the authorities forgot to provide for the men on 
board the vessels. Thus a great many died of hunger. 
On board of some hulks, the prisoners took a little provi- 
sion to protect them against this horrid death ; but on 
board of la Horea, where there were only poor sailors, 
there was barely provision for one day. There was even 
no water aboard. These brave sailors were a prey to hun- 
ger and thirst. In vain did they utter the shouts of despair ; 
in vain did they make signals of distress, to remind the bar- 
barians who provided for their subsistence of their situa- 
tion. 

" Many of these sailors escaped by swimming ; they 
were captured and shot in a boat, in the presence of their 
fellow-prisoners. The torments of hunger daily became 
more horrible ; first, these unfortunate people devoured all 
the dogs; this was a slight resource. Boots, shoes, and 
haversacks were then eaten. Finally, those who died 
served to prolong the existence of the others. All these 
resources, however, were insufficient ; cruel and relentless 
hunger drove these prisoners to the last extremity. Those 
who could sustain this pressure, whose health was not too 
feeble, assembled in council. One of them rose to speak ; 
after presenting the frightful picture of their position, he 
proposed to kill immediately those persons who were at the 
point of death. This proposition shocked all those who 
heard it. But it was necessary to live or to be starved ! 
Many voted for the project ; but the majority preferred to 
die sooner than to add a few hours to a miserable existence 
by assassination. For six days, however, had they been 
abandoned to all the horrors of this cruel situation. Sud- 
denly one of them, with the expression of a hungry tiger, 



268 TORTURES OF 

perceived some negroes on board. A ray of light broke in 
upon him ; the gesture of a cannibal pointed out these vic- 
tims ; the knife was ready for them. The orator then took 
a new text, and proved to his hearers that this murder was 
permitted, that circumstances demanded it, and that the 
crime, if it was one, would be less than if committed on in- 
dividuals of their own race. The advice was adopted, im- 
potent desires were seen upon their face ; at the moment 
when the negroes were seized, and the knife raised, a boat 
was seen coming off to the hulk loaded with biscuit and 
salt meat for the prisoners, and the blacks were saved from 
this terrible sacrifice." 

Such is a feeble picture of the tortures to which those 
brave fellows were subjected, who were thrown by the for- 
tune of war into the hands of the English. By every other 
nation, it has been granted that a prisoner is no longer an 
enemy ; the English government has not admitted that most 
sacred of all claims, the claim of misfortune. It has con- 
tended against disarmed men, and has shown itself more 
cruel in the prison than on the field of battle ; it has tortured 
without necessity, and murdered without excuse. 

III. ST. HELENA. 

It would seem that shame had not been outraged suffi- 
ciently, that revenge had not received its share of odium, and 
that, the English government had reserved as the crown for 
its crimes the entire power of its cruelty, and wished to 
graduate its infamy by the grandeur of its last victim. 

When Napoleon yielded to the efforts of the coalition in 
Europe, he made an appeal to British generosity, and offer- 
ed England the noblest part of the victory ; proscribed in 
an empire which he had rendered so powerful, a fugitive 
upon those shores over which he lately reigned, he expect- 
ed to find something noble in those whom he had conquer- 
ed, and measured the magnanimity of their sentiments by 



PRISONERS OF WAR. 269 

the energy of .their resistance. Never was hospitality de- 
manded by one more noble, and never was a greater oppor- 
tunity offered for glory to a nation so solemnly invited to 
protect the sanctity of misfortune. But the English gov- 
ernment could not understand the magnanimous homage of 
its formidable adversary. Still influenced by its terrors and 
hatred, which responded to this noble confidence by the 
most odious treason, its hospitality was false, its protection 
a homicide. 

Not content with making a prisoner of a hostage, they 
deprived him even of the rights of a prisoner, and the great 
captain was condemned to transportation ; and his treatment 
differed from that of common criminals, only in the sad 
privilege of a special prison, and a forced society of his 
jailors in the uniform of oflicers. 

Thus every day became a punishment, every hour a tor- 
ture ; the English government had given its lessons to its 
murderous agents, or rather the English government was 
transported with all its traditions to the inhospitable rock ; 
turnkeys had not one moment of pity for the illustrious war- 
rior, but preyed upon his flesh, and like vultures devoured 
his entrails ; day by day they caused him to feel the cold 
blade of the poniard, and they pressed out drop by drop the 
blood from that, generous hear:, until finally the modern 
Prometheus yielded to their tortures, and sealed by his 
death the most shameful page of British history.* 

* The conduct of the British towards the American prisoners captured 
in the war for independence partook of the same sanguinary and cruel 
character, and the same acts of starvation. Thus Captain Cunningham, 
who was executed l'or forgery at London in 1791, stated in his dying con- 
fession: " I was appointed provost-marshal to the royal army, which pla- 
ced me in a situation to wreak my vengeance on the Americans. I shud- 
der to think of the murders I have hecn accessory to ,both with andicithout 
orders from, government, especially while in New York, during which time 
there were more than tiro thousand prisoners starved in the different churches 
by stopping their rations, which I sold. There were also two hundred and 
seventy-Jive American prisoners and obnoxious perso?is executed, which were 
thus conducted : a guard was despatched from the provost about half past 
twelve at night, to the Barrack street, and the neighborhood of the upper 

23* 



270 TORTURES OF PRISONERS. 

barracks, to order the people to shut their window-shutters and put out 
their lights, forbidding them at the same time to look out of their windows 
and doors, on pain of death ; after which the unfortunate prisoners were 
conducted, gagged, just behind the upper barracks, and hung without cere- 
mony, and there buried by the black pioneer of the provost.'' 

Nor were the hulks, those poisoned dungeons of refined barbarity, confined 
to the other side of the Atlantic, but in the waters of New York, the Jersey 
prison ship could tell of many a deed of blood and violence, and at the 
Wallabout in Brooklyn lie the remains of no less than eleven thousand 
five hundred patriot prisoners, who died in dungeons and prison-! 
and about the city of New York, during the war of the revolution. 



WAR IN TIME OF PEACE. 271 



CHAPTER -X. 

WAR IN TIME OF PEACE VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS OF 

NEUTRAL NATIONS. 

The idea of order and right exercises so much influ- 
ence upon all the acts of man, that it has given laws to 
war, and has even regulated destruction. Man, constrained 
by social necessities to contend with his fellow-man, has 
laid down certain limits, beyond which war becomes an act 
of assassination, and every deed of violence illegal. Even 
in taking life, man has wished to do right, and has imposed 
certain rules, so that the weak shall never be entirely at 
the discretion of the strong. It is a mutual concession, 
made by people even when they will make no other ; it is 
the sanction of human morals, which always bows to these 
laws, even when the bloody horrors of carnage would seem 
to countenance forgetfulness of them. Only one people, or 
rather one government, has been found depraved enough to 
despise the common laws of nations, and has openly vio- 
lated their rights ; has transformed war into piracy and mur- 
der, and has impressed upon every act the seal of highway 
robbery. 

Among these laws of nations which impose limits upon 
war, there is no one that should be more respected than 
that which requires a public and formal declaration to be 
made before the commencement of any hostilities. As men 
are liable to be taken at disadvantage, it is a solemn warn- 
ing to avoid all surprise ; it is the point of honor among 
nations, who do not wish to strike a defenceless enemy. 
Among the ancients, the heralds who were commissioned 



272 VIOLATION* OF THE RIGHTS 

to declare war were chosen from among the priests, as if 
Divine intervention alone could authorize the destruction 
of a fellow-creature. In our times, the ambassadors, to 
whom the same mission is intrusted, are clothed with a 
character of inviolability in the eye of the law of nations, 
and are considered as defenders of the rights of man. 

Notwithstanding, however, all precautions against per- 
fidious exceptions, the English government has never re- 
spected that which is held sacred by all, and it has been 
their policy, before giving the Bigna] lor contest, to surprise 
their rivals with unexpected hostilities. As soon as war 
was determine, I upon m the secret councils of the cabinet 
of St. James, it was considered as actually existing. We 
have already mentioned acts of this nature, when the 1 
colonies in India were attacked at tie' commencement of the 
war in America, and when the peace of Amiens was so out- 
rageously violated. We now propose to complete the pic- 
ture, by Btating several facts which belong to different 
periods, but which exhibit the same perfidy and bad faith. 

In 1777, a vessel from Nantes, the Ro/.iere d'Artois, 
while returning from Port an Prince, received a great deal 
of damage. Palling in with an English vessel, the captain 
was persuaded to go into St. Augustine, in Florida, as their 
two nations were still at peace. On their arrival, the Eng- 
lishman moored the French vessel under his guns. Three 
days afterwards, the crew were removed, and the Vessel 
was declared a prize. But, as if to cover this manifest 
violation of the rights of nations, the French received per- 
mission to go wherever they chose ; while at the same time 
the Indians were promised one hundred and twenty francs 
for the scalp of every Frenchman taken out of the city. 

For two months and a half, the French were exposed to 
constant assassinations. At the end of that term, they were 
sent to Port au Prince in a miserable vessel, with bad pro- 
visions, barely sufficient for half the voyage. 

About the same time, another vessel, having on board 



OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 273 

some French noblemen who were on their way to enter the 
American service, was also captured before war was de- 
clared, and likewise carried into St. Augustine. Sixty 
French sailors were placed on a desolate island, shut up in 
a fort, and designedly forgotten for four days without any 
provisions. 

They were told that if they did not enlist on board of 
the English frigate, they would be starved to death. At 
first they refused, but the threat was carried into execution 
so soon, that these unhappy people, to avoid a frightful 
death, enlisted under the English flag. " I saw them," 
writes an eye-witness, " sign their engagement, with tears 
in their eyes, calling me to witness the violence with which 
they had been treated, and conjuring me to accept their 
protestations ; but I was a prisoner, and, like them, unfortu- 
nate : I could only sympathize with them." 

We cannot believe that these isolated facts are to be as- 
cribed to the caprice of some individuals, who abuse their 
command to do wrong without the knowledge of the govern- 
ment. On the contrary, they acted in accordance with a 
settled system, and according to principles which were 
taught them by the cabinet of St. James. We might cite 
a number of other acts where the British authority itself 
has interfered and presented most scandalous examples of 
perjury. We shall only mention one case where the lords 
of the admiralty violated a pledge given to a scientific 
Frenchman, who did them the honor to confide in their 
word and signature. 

During the American war, France ordered all her vessels 
to respect and even to protect Captain Cook. The cabinet 
at Versailles regarded this illustrious navigator as a repre- 
sentative of science. By his laborious researches and glo- 
rious efforts, Cook had become a citizen of the world. But 
the English government could not reciprocate an act of 
generosity. 

About the same period, Kerguelen, a distinguished officer 



274 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 

of the French navy, projected an expedition at his own ex- 
pense and that of his friends, which should add to discove- 
ries already made, and extend the knowledge of geography 
and navigation, for the benefit of the whole world. Not 
wishing, however, to compromise the results of an expedi- 
tion purely scientific, he took the precaution of submitting 
his plan to the English ministry, and demanded from them 
a passport. The secretary of the lords of the admiralty 
sent him passports to protect him against any act of 
hostility. 

Fortified with this formal power, Kerguelen equipped at 
his own expense a vessel which he called the Libre Navi- 
gateur, and it was thus designated in the passport, which 
was for four years. 

Full of the noble hopes which animate men of science, 
Kerguelen left Nantes July 22d, 1780, having an arma- 
ment of six three-pounders, and a crew of thirty-one men. 

The day after his departure, he was overhauled by an 
English cruiser, called the Prince Alfred, who had doubt- 
less been sent for that purpose, and had received instruc- 
tions even from those who had given the passports. The 
cruiser having fired a gun, Kerguelen hove to, and showed 
the English and French flags. 

The captain of the Prince Alfred commanded the French 
officer to lower away his boat ; and when this was done, the 
cruiser boarded the vessel with fifty men, who, with sword 
in hand, cut tin' flags and the rigging. Kerguelen vainly 
appealed for protection to his passports ; the Englishman 
answered that they were forged ; and, without even exam- 
ining them, declared the Libre Navigateur a lawful prize, 
and carried the whole crew prisoners to Kinsale. 

On arriving at this port, Kerguelen immediately wrote to 
the lords of the admiralty, protesting against this violation 
of their promises. His letters remained unanswered ; he 
was arrested in the name of the king, and imprisoned. 

" From that day," writes he, " I have always had in my 



OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 275 

room three sentinels, and I have been waked every two hours 
in the night to know if I was abed. The officers and vol- 
unteers of my vessel were also imprisoned, after being 
marched four miles in irons like so many criminals. Among 
them, however, were some young men of great distinction.. 
There were seventeen persons in the same room, which had 
neither door nor windows, and into which the rain and wind 
penetrated from every part, and we were forty-eight hours 
without water. We were given hammocks and straw beds 
which had served for all the prisoners since the commence- 
ment of the war. The hammocks were rotten, and stained 
with the blood of the wounded, and the mattrasses were 
extremely offensive. The room was full of vermin. At the 
bottom of the stairs was the privy for three hundred pris- 
oners, which sent forth poisonous miasmata, a fruitful source 
of disease and death." 

In this manner did the British government treat a man 
whom they had promised to protect. The passport he had 
received at London was only a snare to entrap him. After 
six months, he was released from his captivity, and landed 
on the shores of France. He retired to Saumur, where he 
tried in vain to obtain explanations from England. The 
lords of the admiralty were the avowed accomplices of the 
cruiser. Kerguelen, for the loss of his liberty, his fortune, 
and the glory to which he aspired, obtained no recompense 
from the official pirates who had thus robbed him. 

These perfidious acts of the English government are too 
numerous to be ascribed to mistakes or misunderstandings. 
" Who forgets," say the merchants of the province of Frise, 
in their petition presented to the states of the United Prov- 
inces in February, 1799, " with what audacity the English 
vessels have detained vessels belon^in"f to the inhabitants 
of the republic ? — have carried them into British ports, 
where they have been declared good prizes, and where at 
least their restoration cost their owners long and expensive 
trials ? Who but knows that on the broad ocean the Eng- 



276 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 

lish men-of-war claim the right of overhauling our merchant 
vessels, of taking from them whatever they think proper, 
and of pressing our seamen, to oblige them to serve on board 
their vessels ?" 

These complaints were general, and did not come from 
a single nation. These facts are so well remembered by 
the cabinet of St. James, that all of its wars partake of the 
same character ; but never, perhaps, did it commit so many 
abuses as in the bloody wars waged against the French re- 
public and empire. It was the threats of England which 
formed the coalition of the kings of Spain, Portugal, and 
Naples ; and we have seen that Denmark, Switzerland, and 
Tuscany were summoned to join the league. Switzerland 
resisted ; Tuscany was compelled to submit ; but Denmark, 
by her courageous neutrality, excited against her all the 
ancjer of the British cabinet, who on this occasion violated 
the rights of nations with unparalleled audacity, ami ex- 
hibited a cruelty which aroused the indignation of all 
Europe. 

Twice has Denmark resisted the threats of England, and 
twice has she paid dearly for her noble resistance. The 
first bombardment of Copenhagen occurred in 1801. It 
took place at the time when Paul I., then Czar, the ally of 
France, wished to form a coalition of all the northern pow- 
ers against England. The British cabinet reserved assas- 
sination for the chief of the league, but pillage and burning 
for the inferior powers. At iirst, it demanded explanations 
of Denmark, and then supported its demand by sending into 
the Baltic a large flotilla, under the orders of Admiral Par- 
ker, seconded by Admiral Nelson, already known by his 
cruelties at Naples. Before arriving at Copenhagen, it was 
necessary to force the entrance to the sound. On the 
Swedish side was the fort of Helsimborg, on the Danish 
side the castle of Chronenborg, and many powerful and 
well-armed batteries, that would destroy any fleet which 
should attempt to pass through the strait ; it was necessary 



OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. « 277 

to brave the fire of all these forts before arriving at Co- 
penhagen. The English fleet would infallibly have been 
destroyed, had not the Swedes, by negligence which re- 
sembled treason, permitted them to pass without firing a 
gun. The English consequently kept on the side of Swe- 
den, and out of the reach of the Danish cannon. 

In a few hours, the whole fleet, aided by a favorable 
wind, had passed through the sound, with the loss of only 
six or seven men. The admirals then attempted to find a 
passage to the ramparts of the place. The entrance of the 
fort presented a threatening appearance. On one side, the 
walls were flanked with bastions, and armed with a formi- 
dable park of artillery, which commanded and raked the 
roads. At the entrance of the gulf, on the Isle of Crowns, 
were several batteries bristling with cannon ; but the princi- 
pal defence consisted of six ships of the line, well armed, 
eleven floating batteries of twenty-six twenty-four-pounders, 
and eighteen eighteens, moored in a line. The Danish 
vessels were ranged along the canal which follows the coast. 
The whole population of Copenhagen had taken up arms, 
determined to perish rather than to submit to English 
tyranny. 

Nelson, however, boldly crossed the bar with nine ships 
of the line, and placed himself opposite to the Danish line 
of vessels. A terrible contest now ensued. The Danes 
defended themselves with all the enthusiasm of patriotism ; 
the places of the sailors who fell were quickly supplied by 
fresh recruits ; the forts and batteries kept up a constant and 
well-directed fire. But they were obliged to yield to a su- 
perior force ; and, after four hours of carnage, the fire of 
the Danes slackened. Nelson then proposed an armistice, 
and threatened, in case of a refusal, to sink the Danish 
vessels and to massacre their crews. The inhabitants were 
exhausted by this unequal contest, and were obliged to sub- 
mit to the conqueror. The remainder of the Danish fleet 

24 



278 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS 

was carried away by the English, whose policy always has 
been to destroy every maritime power. 

After some years of peace, the Danes repaired their 
losses, and a new fleet, more numerous than the first, ex- 
cited the dark jealousy of the British government. 

After the peace of Tilsit, England sent into the sound in 
1807 a large fleet commanded by Admiral Gambier. The 
English envoy, Jackson, represented to the prince royal, 
who was then at Kiel, that if Denmark did not decide to 
conclude an intimate alliance with England, and give up its 
fleet as a pledge of this alliance, the British cabinet would 
declare war. The prince repelled this demand with 
energy. 

The English then disombarked about three leagues from 
Copenhagen, and prepared to attack the capital by land. 
Success was the more easy, since, in consequence of the 
peace, the army intrusted with the defence of the capital 
had suffered much for want of military discipline. 

The city was summoned to open its gates, but paid no 
attention to the threats of the enemy. On the 2d of Sep- 
tember, the English commenced a bombardment, which 
continued uninterruptedly for three days, and caused so 
many ravages in the city, that the commander of the place, 
on the 5th of September, demanded an armistice, which was 
concluded two days afterwards, on the following terms : — 

The citadel and port should be delivered up to the Eng- 
lish, as should also the Danish fleet, with all its armament ; 
the English troops should be re-embarked in six weeks, at 
the latest ; public and private property was to be respect- 
ed ; and the Danes should not be disturbed in the exercise 
of their duties. 

A mutual exchange of prisoners was likewise agreed 
upon, as also the restoration of all the English property 
confiscated by the Danes. 

The English left Seland on the 20th October, carrying 
with them the Danish fleet, composed of eighteen ships of 



OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 279 

the line, fifteen frigates, six brigs, and thirty-five gun- 
boats. 

Thus terminated this odious crusade against a neutral 
power, whose only crime was its good wishes for France. 
Notwithstanding this great loss, however, Denmark repelled 
all attempts at reconciliation with England, and the penalty 
of death was pronounced against whoever should entertain 
relations with her. 



280 CANADA. 



CHAPTER XI. 
CANADA. 

I. PERSECUTIONS OF THE CANADIANS BY THE ENGLISH. 

English policy showed itself first in New France by 
the proscription of twenty thousand Acadians, whose rights 
and safety were nut sufficiently guarantied by the shame- 
ful treaty of Paris in 1763. Since that time, England has 
kept a yoke of iron upon the Canadian population, out of 
hatred for their French origin. 

We shall not mention here all the acts of injustice and 
despotism which, from the early periods of British domin- 
ion, marked the antipathy of the rulers of Canada towards 
their new subjects ; but shall simply register the prominent 
facts which led to the bloody struggle of 1837. 

The Canadian constitution was modelled after that of 
Great Britain, and had so much of the aristocratic element 
in it, at the expense of the popular element, that it soon be- 
came a formidable instrument in the hands of the British 
government. 

The executive council, a kind of ministry named by the 
crown, and the legislative council, all the members of which 
were also chosen by the governor, were the two levers 
used by the English party to overturn and destroy the pow- 
er of the French party, represented by the house of assem- 
bly. The Canadians were excluded from all participation 
in power ; every confidential office, every lucrative appoint- 
ment, became the exclusive appendage of foreigners of Bri- 
tish origin. Notwithstanding the prerogatives guarantied 



CANADA. 281 

to the representatives of the country, the government 
wished to take away its revenues, and to act with the ful- 
ness of absolute power. Many times the House of Assem- 
bly of Lower Canada, having attempted to resist the en- 
croachments of executive power, was severely punished in 
the persons of some of its most influential members, who 
paid by the loss of liberty for the inspirations of patriotism. 

The crown having reserved the privilege of disposing of 
seizures, fines, and confiscations, the agents of power abu- 
sed this right enormously. 

The taxes became more and more heavy, everything was 
subjected to duty, and the functionaries of government alone 
profited by this increase of public charges. The revenues 
of the two provinces were pillaged ; most of it was distri- 
buted by executive authority. The enormity of the taxes, 
and the increase of offices, excited the anger of the inhabi- 
tants ; but the remonstrances of the assembly were unheed- 
ed, and the government faction continued its exactions, with 
the assurances, impunity, and even with encouragement 
from the metropolis. 

This is not all ; the efforts of England tended to destroy 
the nationality of the Canadians. We know that this popu- 
lation, French in its origin, manners, and language, is at- 
tached to national traditions. Not only have British laws 
imperceptibly taken the place of the old French legislation, 
but an effort has been made to impose on the inhabitants 
whatever would make them forget their old country. The 
French language gradually ceased to be the official language. 
Farther, the Catholic religion, which the Canadians pro- 
fess, and for which the English at first showed some toler- 
ation, was persecuted by the Protestants, and the govern- 
ment aided in the iniquitous transaction. 

Finally, the Canadians were despoiled of their territorial 
possessions by an arbitrary power. After the expulsion of 
the Jesuits in 1774, the immense domains of this congrega- 
tion became vacant. The inhabitants of Lower Canada de- 

24* 



282 CANADA. 

manded that these lands should be declared to belong to 
the province, and that their revenues should be partly con- 
secrated to the education of poor children ; but the govern- 
ment could not neglect so good an opportunity to enrich its 
creatures. The members of the executive council and their 
families were liberally endowed at the expense of the pub- 
lic. To give an idea of these scandalous spoliations, we 
will state, on the authority of Mr. Roebuck, a member of 
the House of Assembly, the grants made to one family, that 
of Mr. Fulton, a member of the legislative and executive 
council. To Mr. Fulton himself, eleven hundred acres, and 
to his seven daughters, twelve hundred acres each, making 
nine thousand five hundred acres in all. 

The administration of Sir James Craig in Canada, mark- 
ed the commencement of an era of sufferings and abuses, 
the memory of which will live eternally in the hearts of 
those unfortunate victims of English policy. This gover- 
nor waged war upon the electoral chamber of Canada ; it 
was twice dissolved by him, because it wished to regulate 
the expenses of the province, and to have the judges elect- 
ed by the people. The infamous dictator having been at- 
tacked by the journal called the Canadian, its press was 
broken by soldiers. At the same time, Messrs. Bedard and 
Blanchet, members of the opposition in the House of Assem- 
bly, were arrested and imprisoned some days before the 
elections. It would seem as if Craig attempted to irritate 
the Canadian population, and to excite them to a desperate 
resistance, and the Canadians termed the period of his ad- 
ministration the reign of terror. 

The discontent of the inhabitants was at its height when 
Sir James was succeeded by the Duke of Richmond. The 
latter was succeeded by Dalhousie, who it would seem 
tried to shame the despotism of his predecessor of odious 
memory. The violence of the noble lord increased the ir- 
ritation of the Canadians. A petition was sent to London, 
praying for his recall, and the charges were as follows: — 



CANADA. 

" Sir E. George, Lord Dalhousie, has committed many- 
arbitrary acts. He has drawn large sums of money from 
the receiver-general, unauthorized by any law. He has 
wickedly suppressed and concealed from the knowledge of 
the provincial parliament, different public documents and 
papers. As commander-in-chief, he has used his authority 
to influence and intimidate the inhabitants in the exercise 
of their civil and political rights. He has permitted the of- 
ficial gazettes published under his control to make the most 
calumnious imputations daily against the House of Assem- 
bly ; he has threatened to prorogue the representative body, 
until the freeholders and proprietors were obliged to name 
as deputies, men disposed to grant everything to executive 
authority, to sacrifice to him the right which belongs to the 
people, to determine by its representatives what sums of 
public money the administration shall be authorized to ex- 
pend, and to ensure its faithful application, saying it would 
punish the province by rejecting the bills passed for the 
general welfare. He has gratified his vindictiveness by 
using his power on members of the legislative council, in 
order to have rejected in 1827, all bills in regard to objects 
of charity and public utility. So many acts of oppression 
have excited throughout the province an insurmountable ex- 
pression of mistrust, suspicion, and disgust for his adminis- 
tration."* 

The complaints of the Canadians were listened to for a 
time ; but Lord Dalhousie soon reappeared triumphantly in 
Lower Canada, and was furious against the French party. 
It is to this worthy representative of British authority that 
we must attribute, in great part, the resolution taken by the 
Canadian patriots to engage in a decisive contest with 
England, and not to rest until justice should be rendered to 
them. 

It is important to remark, that the malcontents always 

* This article is quoted from the work of Isidore Lebrun, Tab. Stat, and 
Pol. des deux Canadas. 



284 CANADA. 

took legal measures to obtain satisfaction. Petitions to 
Parliament — envoys from the official representatives to the 
ministry — respectful remonstrances presented at the foot of 
the throne — opposition in the House of Assembly, — all the 
means authorized by the English constitution were tried by 
the Canadians, and were unsuccessful. The cabinet of St. 
James was deaf to the lamentations which came from the 
banks of the St. Lawrence. The demands of the petition- 
ers were met by a constant denial of justice. England 
forgot that in 1812, in the war against the United States, 
the French Canadians had fought faithfully against their 
neighbors, who offered them liberty and free institutions. 
She forgot that the blood of the generous French flowed 
freely at Quebec and in many other battle-fields. Persecu- 
tion, contempt of their rights, the robbing of their funds, 
and daily humiliation, were the recompense of these loyal 
subjects, to whom Great Britain owed the preservation of 
her North American colonies.* 

We are not fearful of exaggerating the injuries received 
by the Canadians from England. We have rather fallen 
short of the truth, and if any one doubts it, let him read 
Lord Durham's report to the British cabinet, while he held 
the station of Governor of the Lower Province of Canada. 
All the critical part of this report is true, and it contains a 
table of the sufferings of the Canadians, much more start- 
ling than that we have presented. After 1830, the cruelty 
of the imperial Parliament continued. Most of the bills 
voted by the Houses of Assembly were returned with the 
royal veto. The patriots, vexed at not receiving their 

* In the war of American Independence, the Canadians contributed 
powerfully to defeat the enterprises of Generals Arnold and Montgomery. 

In 1812, Washington was burnt by the English: an act of savage bar- 
barity, which roused the indignation of civilized Europe. The English 
army constantly invoked the alliance of the tribes of Indians ; and these 
ferocious bands committed, in the name of Great Britain, atrocities, the 
recital of which alone would make one shudder. These were the useful 
auxiliaries employed by the royalist leaders to rid them of their republican 
prisoners, after the most solemn capitulations. 



CANADA. 285 

legitimate demands, decided to assume a more menacing 
attitude in the elections then to occur. In 1832, blood 
flowed at Montreal, and the commanders of the troop, who 
had fired on the electors without previous notice, were ac- 
quitted. Two years afterwards, the Whig ministry, terri- 
fied by the refusal of the House of Assembly in Lower 
Canada to vote the supplies, ordered an illusory inquiry, to 
stifle the resentments of the indignant colonists. Lord 
Gosford, Governor of the Lower Province, attempted to 
follow in the footsteps of his predecessors, and filled up 
the measure of his iniquities by levying taxes, notwithstand- 
ing the refusal of the budget by the House of Assembly. 

II. RESISTANCE IS ORGANIZED THE ENGLISH AUTHORI- 
TIES EXCITE INSURRECTION DESTRUCTION OF THE CAR- 
OLINE, AND MASSACRE OF THE CREW. 

The Canadians had now come to that pass, when insur- 
rection is the most sacred of duties. Nevertheless, in 
order to have right on their side, they again had recourse 
to legal resistance. At the instigation of Papineau, the 
energetic leader of the opposition, a commercial league 
was organized against the English. All the French Cana- 
dians engaged by oath to abstain from using English manu- 
factures ; the products of the soil, together with what they 
brought from the United States, were sufficient for the con- 
sumption of the country. The effects of this combination 
were soon seen ; England was touched in her most sensi- 
tive part, her pocket. The authorities, perceiving that the 
receipts were extremely diminished, and fearing that the 
colony would become by this means excessively onerous 
to the mother country, decided to excite an insurrection, for 
which the patriots were entirely unprepared. 

This is an important point to prove. Yes, the English 
excited the Canadian insurrection. It was not the policy 
of the French party to resist with arms. At a later period, 



286 CANADA. 

doubtless, they would have been reduced to this perilous 
extremity ; but in 1837, they wished to try a legal and 
passive contest. The best proof of this is tne fact that 
when the first collision took place, the patriots were un- 
armed. On this point we have consulted several Canadian 
leaders who took refuge in France, and all have confirmed 
our opinion in regard to the Jesuitism with which the Eng- 
lish government had urged the people to revolt. 

" I challenge the English government to de,ny," says M. 
Papineau, in an historical work which we shall quote here- 
after, " when I affirm that none of us were prepared for, 
expected, wished, or even anticipated an armed resistance. 
But the English government had resolved to rob the prov- 
ince of its revenue and its representative system ; it had 
resolved to devote some of us to death, and others to exile ; 
it was for this that martial law was proclaimed, and the 
citizens were tried by court-martial for acts which it was 
decided some weeks before formed no ground for accusa- 
tion : founding the necessity of creating military tribunals 
on the impossibility of obtaining sentence of death from the 
civil tribunals. Yes, once more the executive power, hav- 
ing in view the interests of the metropolis, formed inhuman 
combinations against innocent men, which had been admit- 
ted to be illegal : the provocation came from it, but the in- 
surrection was not lawful. We had resolved not yet to 
rebel. This has been proved to the government by our 
papers, which have been seized — a government which 
calumniates, in order to become persecutors." 

Thus the blood shed in this colony must fall on the 
heads of the British ministers and their representatives. 

The opposition in Parliament did not hope to obtain 
justice from the mother country, but it was not enfeebled. 
Ii even began to inspire power with serious fears, when, on 
a certain day in 1837, Papineau, O'Callaghan, and other 
persons of influence, were informed by a member of the 
council that on the next day they were to be accused and 



CANADA. 287 

arrested. This timely advice saved the lives of many emi- 
nent patriots. Papineau fled, and, after many dangers, ar- 
rived upon the frontier of the United States. A reward 
was offered for his head, but the indignation of the Cana- 
dians against power protected him in his flight, and every 
cottage opened to him its hospitable doors. On leaving 
his country with his colleagues, who were also proscribed, 
Papineau felt confident that an insurrection would occur ; 
he did not know that after the leaders of the French party 
had left, the government would excite an armed rebellion, 
in order to strike down the rest of the party. 

About the same time, the authorities issued warrants 
against the patriots in the village near Montreal. The de- 
tachments of soldiers who were commissioned to make 
these arrests, instead of carrying their prisoners by a direct 
route to Montreal, made them take a long circuit, in order 
that the people of this district might witness the vengeance 
of Lord Gosford. The peasantry, seeing their brethren in 
irons, and surrounded by soldiers, attacked the troops, and, 
after an obstinate resistance, liberated the prisoners. This 
was the first blow struck. Power had succeeded in bring- 
ing about a bloody collision ; it was satisfied, for now its 
plans could be executed. 

Combats, which were also provoked by the English, oc- 
curred at St. Charles, St. Denis, and other villages in the 
district of Montreal. The governor now proclaimed mar- 
tial law. From this time, the populace was subjected to 
all the cruelties of a military regime — to all the violence 
of a siege. There was now no respect for laws, nor for 
the pledges inscribed in the constitution. The lives and 
property of the citizens were at. the mercy of the despot at 
Quebec, who represented the royal authority. Terror 
reigned, and the soldiery sent against the unarmed peas- 
antry used freely the impunity granted them by the procla- 
mation of Lord Gosford. 

At the firing of the first gun in the Lower Province, 



288 CANADA. 

Upper Canada revolted. Here were found not only Irish 
and foreign colonists, but also the English took up arms. 
The administration of Sir Francis Head, the governor of 
the province, had exasperated the inhabitants, no matter 
what nation they belonged to : thus the first spark of the 
flame was lighted by the criminal hand of Lord Gosford, 
and fired the train which incited the opposition in the two 
adjacent provinces. 

Here we will record a base act, which of itself is suffi- 
cient to cover the English authorities in this unhappy 
country with eternal ignominy. 

Two or three hundred of the insurgents of Upper Canada 
had taken possession of Navy Island, a short distance above 
the falls of Niagara. The English observed that a steam- 
boat passed frequently from the American shore to the 
island occupied by the patriots, and suspected that the 
vessel carried provisions and ammunition to the rebels ; but 
of this there was no certainty. A detachment was ordered 
to destroy the suspicious vessel. In a dark night, some 
soldiers under the command of one M'Nab crossed the 
river and came suddenly upon the Caroline, which was 
moored to territory belonging to the United States. These 
wretches attacked the crew while asleep, slaughtered sev- 
eral men, threw others overboard, set fire to the vessel, cast 
off her fasts, abandoned her to the current of the river, 
which soon swept her over the falls. It was said that 
many of the crew found a grave in the foaming torrent of 
Niagara. The next morning, a dead body on the banks of 
Niagara apprized the citizens of the American republic that 
a frightful crime had been committed, under cover of the 
darkness of night, by the rulers of Canada. 

It was a shameful violation of the rights of nations, for 
if the English were sure that the Caroline carried provis- 
ions to the Canadians, they knew this was done by private 
individuals, and not by the government of the United States, 
who had formally prohibited every act of hostility against 



CANADA. 289 

the possessors of Canada. This vessel then should have 
been captured in British waters, and the crew detained as 
prisoners of war. It was also an inexcusable crime, and 
as cowardly as it was base : for the attack was made at 
night, at a time when the sailors of the Caroline were 
asleep ; it was attended with horrid circumstances, such as 
the murder of unarmed men, and the destruction of the 
vessel in the foaming cataract. 

This expedition was extremely well received by the 
English authorities. The barbarous executors of the orders 
of the government were publicly toasted at dinners, at 
which the annihilation of the French Canadians and the 
republicans of the United States was openly drank ; and 
further, M'Nab was knighted and presented with a sword, 
as a recompense for his noble valor. 

Some months after, M'Leod, one of the heroes of this 
bloody adventure, had the impudence to go to a city of the 
United States, and boast of the nocturnal exploit in which 
he had taken part. He was arrested and imprisoned. This 
circumstance caused a sharp correspondence between the 
cabinet at Washington and the British government : it is 
known that the English minister assumed the responsibility 
of the massacre and destruction of the Caroline, urging 
that this outrage upon the laws of humanity and the rights 
of nations was all only an act of legitimate defence per- 
formed by subaltern agents, in accordance with the ac- 
knowledged interests of the home government.* 

* This outrage inflicted by the cabinet of St. James upon the Americans 
is the consequence of a system obstinately pursued since the treaty of 
17S2. Since that time, even when at peace, England has constantly in- 
trigued to cause a separation of the United States. It is this power which 
has encouraged the Indians in their warfare against the United States, and 
has distributed arms and ammunition to them. We would also state that 
the English have kept portions of territory, which, by existing treaties, 
ought long since to have been given up to the Americans. 

25 



290 CANADA. 
III. MISSION OF LORD DURHAM DECEITFUL AMNESTY. 

On learning these deplorable scenes in the two Canadas, 
the English government resolved to send to this colony a 
delegate with unlimited powers. The choice fell on Lord 
Durham, an old radical converted to ministerial doctrines. 

On arriving at Quebec, in May, 1838, the new dictator 
distinguished himself by the most despotic acts. He 
gathered around him perverse counsellors, who were de- 
spised by honorable men for their public and private char- 
acter. We will now quote from a remarkable article by 
M. Papineau, published in the " Revue des Progrds," which 
thus describes the debut of the noble count : — 

" Of all the men hateful to the Canadians, not one was 
more justly so than the editor of the Montreal Herald. 
This man was a proud tory, named Adam Thorn, who for 
many years had abused all the whig ministers, and espe- 
cially Lord Durham. But as the John Bull was unable to 
feed the malignity of Adam Thorn by its malicious anec- 
dotes, his private or counterfeit correspondence, published 
the real or imaginary offences of all the liberals. 

" When it was known that. Lord Durham was nominated, 
he complained bitterly. The bark of Cerberus was, how- 
ever, so offensive to the ear of the dictator, that he was 
fain to throw him the soporific cake. And a few weeks 
after the pompous debarkation of the viceroy, and because 
that he had been abused, Adam Thorn was his counsellor. 

" This man, who was only a passionate partisan, of mod- 
erate talents, became extremely furious when speaking of 
the French Canadians. Excited by a thirst for blood, his 
hatred then knew no bounds. For many years, the pages 
of his paper had daily been sullied by outrages against the 
whole nation, and reiterated provocations to the assassina- 
tion of the most popular representatives. He had figured 
also as a leader in several contests which four years before 
had occurred at Montreal — contests between the English 



CANADA. 291 

magistrates and the citizens who opposed the executive 
power, in the elections of the House of Assembly. 

" Adam Thorn had organized the Doric Club, a club 
armed to put down the French Canadians, if the govern- 
ment granted them the object of their demands, an elective 
legislative council. Five months before his accession to 
the counsels of Lord Durham, and while the prisons were 
filled with Canadians, he wrote : ' The punishment of the 
leaders, however agreeable it might be to the English 
inhabitants, would not produce so deep an impression, and 
one so useful to the spirit of the people, as the sight of 
strangers in the house of every agitator in each parish. 
The sight of the widow and children bewailing their 
wretchedness around the rich houses from which they have 
been dispossessed, would have a good effect. This meas- 
ure should not be delayed. Special commissioners should 
be appointed immediately to despatch the trials of the 
traitors now in prison.' " 

The same Adam Thorn, three months before the arrival 
of Lord Durham, proclaimed death to four hundred people 
who were confined in a place large enough to accommodate 
only half the number. He said that the government were 
culpable for deferring their trial ; that it was intended to 
deprive the Doric Club of its prey ; that the Club was 
strong enough to do itself justice, in spite of the walls, 
prisons, and bayonets of the soldiers ; that the Club could 
punish as well as protect ; that it would grant but a short 
delay, after which it would be seen that its advice was not 
an empty menace. In fact, the plot became so frightful, 
that the authorities were obliged to fortify the prisons by 
additional works, and to double the guards. This is the 
wretch who sat at the table of Lord Durham, and assisted 
at his councils. , 

This fact foreshadowed what the English proconsul pro- 
posed to do to pacify the two insurgent provinces. The 
measures of Lord Durham exceeded the expectations even 



292 CANADA. 

of his flatterers. Adam Thorn must have been satisfied 
with him. 

From remarks in the British Parliament, an amnesty had 
been expected. It was decreed in June, 1838 ; but it con- 
tained a singular restriction, viz., that every one who had 
gone to another country to avoid arrest, was forbidden to 
return, under pain of death. 

This strange amnesty excited general indignation. In 
the British House of Commons it was severely criticised. 
In the House of Lords, Lord Brougham, the personal ene- 
my of Lord Durham, remarked, that the dictator of Canada 
had the right to except from the amnesty whoever he thought 
proper, but not to pronounce the penalty of death simply for 
returning to the country. That part of the amnesty which 
had been the subject of discussion was annulled in July, 
and Lord Durham was immediately notified of it officially. 

The pride of the viceroy could not tolerate the insult 
offered by Parliament. Lord Durham left his post in anger, 
resigning the power to Sir John Colborne, whom he had 
succeeded. 

Notwithstanding that the proscription of fugitives was 
annulled by Parliament, it was still exercised by the Cana- 
dian authorities. A humble fugitive having attempted to 
return, was brought before the military tribunals. He ap- 
pealed to the decision of Parliament, but was told that, not- 
withstanding this decision, the tribunals were free to inter- 
pret the amnesty as they chose. The accused owed his 
life only to his political obscurity, and was ordered to leave 
the colony immediately. 

IV. SECOND INSURRECTION EXECUTIONS PILLAGE AND 

BURNINGS. 

The short administration of Lord Durham had been so 
deplorable, that it had excited the wrath of the patriots of 
the two provinces. Shortly after the sudden departure of 



CANADA. 293 

the dictator, an insurrectionary movement occurred in 
Lower Canada. But those unfortunate people, to the num- 
ber of fifteen or twenty thousand, who had rallied at the 
call of some imprudent men, soon perceived that there was 
no organization ; that arms were wanting ; in short, that 
there was no hope of success. They dispersed ; but the 
military authorities, who were prepared for it, made many 
captures, and the prisons of Montreal and Quebec were 
filled with victims. 

About the same time, Upper Canada, which was also an- 
noyed by the violence of the governor, again rose, and the 
insurgents experienced the same fate as those of the lower 
province. 

Then a series of atrocities commenced, for which mar- 
tial law served as a cloak. These two insurrections, which 
had been so easily and promptly suppressed, served the 
English as a pretext for outrages upon the conquered and 
disarmed patriots. Villages and farms belonging to the 
proscribed were devastated and burnt. Many of the unfor- 
tunates were sent to prison ; others were sentenced to be 
transported to Botany Bay, like so many brigands. The 
executions were witnessed in silence by a people who 
were struck with terror. From this time, order reigned in 
the Canadas. 

The English government attempted to justify the judicial 
murders committed by its order in an American colony ; 
but their necessity was never proved. While the gibbets 
were erecting, the two provinces were subdued and paci- 
fied. Power had then nothing to fear from the patriots. 
Hence capital condemnations were inexcusable, and Eng- 
land cannot wipe off this reproach brought against her by 
civilized nations. 

At the present moment, many Canadians, and even some 
Americans are doing penance at Sydney for their love of 
liberty. 

25* 



294 CANADA. 

V. CONDUCT OF ENGLAND TOWARDS CANADA SINCE THE 

END OF THE INSURRECTION. 

Martial law remained in full force in Canada, long after 
the bloody pacification of this country. Under this legal 
aegis the vengeance of the victors was shown by confis- 
cations, executions, and deeds of violence. The ministry 
had given full powers to the colonial authorities ; they used 
them freely and without any conscientious scruples. Pou- 
let Thompsom, the actual governor, followed the course of 
his predecessors. 

One act of iniquity had been committed against this un- 
happy country, favored by the tranquillity which has exist- 
ed there for two years. The two provinces have been uni- 
ted, and now form but one. This measure, a plan of Lord 
Durham, to swallow up the French population by the Brit- 
ish, has not, however, had the desired effect. 

To give an idea of the odious character of this decision, 
we will simply state the elements of which the only elec- 
tive body in Canada will hereafter be composed. The 
lower province, which numbers eight hundred thousand in- 
habitants, nearly all of whom are French, had eighty-eight 
deputies ; she now will have but forty. Upper Canada, 
whose population (mostly of English or Irish) does not ex- 
ceed four hundred thousand, will send to the legislature 
about the same number of representatives. Thus, the num- 
ber of representatives will be the same, although the popu- 
lation of one province is twice as great as the other ; but 
the French must be balanced by the British. 

The conduct of the British government towards the Can- 
adas, may thus be summed up : — 

" Oppression and denial of justice for a long period. 
Provocation to revolt. Atrocious and unnecessary severity 
after the re-establishment of order. The absorption of the 
most numerous class of the population by the conquerors." 



295 



VI. DISASTROUS EFFECTS OF ENGLISH POLICY IN THE PRO- 
VINCES ADJACENT TO CANADA. 

Before concluding this chapter, we propose to glance 
rapidly at the situation of the other English colonies of 
North America. We can thus form an idea of the state to 
which the policy of Great Britain has reduced the kind of 
empire in the new world, belonging to this power. 

We shall merely present the testimony of Lord Durham, 
who, in his report already mentioned, makes the following 
remarks in regard to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and 
Prince Edward's Isle :* " The resources of these provin- 
ces, although numerous and varied, are deplorably neglect- 
ed. Their miserable population is extremely idle and 
squalid, and if some portions are better, it is because some 
cultivators or capitalists have come from the United States. 
In most of Nova Scotia you see houses abandoned, and 
farms going to waste. Lands purchased forty or fifty years 
since for five shillings the acre, can now be bought for three 
for the want of capital ; the inhabitants allow their fisheries 
to be carried away from their very doors by the Americans. 
These provinces, with thirty millions of acres in superficies, 
although they were colonized early, contain only two hun- 
dred and sixty-six thousand inhabitants. What a contrast 
is to be seen on the adjacent borders. 

" On the side of the independent Americans there is 
every appearance of productive industry, increase in wealth 
and progress in civilization ; on the side of the English, all 
is solitude and desolation. 

" This painful, but undeniable fact is apparent in every 

part of the frontier of more than four hundred leagues. The 

difference in the price of the land there is immense, often 

* Nova Scotia and New Brunswick form the vast province formerly 
known as Acadia. We stated at the commencement of this chapter, that 
twenty thousand inhabitants were expelled from this province after the 
treaty of 1763. Prince Edward's Isle was called by the French Isle St. 
Jean. 



296 CANADA. 

a thousand per cent., sometimes even more. The emigra- 
tion from England, instead of remaining in their colonies, 
proceeds to the United States, and in this manner, Upper 
Canada, which under other circumstances would have at 
least five hundred thousand inhabitants, now counts only- 
four hundred thousand. So too with those emigrants who 
land at Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Finding no en- 
couragement there, they continue their journey to the Uni- 
ted States. Many of the old colonists have done the same. 

These are some of the lamentable results of the political 
and social evils which for so long a time have afflicted the 
Canadas, and now we are obliged to take immediate mea- 
sures against the alarming dangers of rebellion, and that 
depopulation which results from the desertion of people 
who are reduced to despair.'* 

" These admissions come from a representative of the 
English government. The whole truth ma)*- be estimated 
by taking into account the moderation required of the author 
of the report, by his official title. Our limits oblige us to 
be concise, otherwise we should show that the English, 
from the first period of their rule, have attempted to root 
out and destroy by the use of ardent spirits, the natives who, 
when Wolfe captured Quebec, covered the soil of New 
France. Whole tribes of twenty thousand and thirty thou- 
sand individuals, have disappeared from Canada, thanks to 
the British government, who find by the extension of drunk- 
enness among the savages the most convenient mode of 
ridding themselves of dangerous subjects and neighbors. 



CONCLUSION. 297 



CONCLUSION. 

If success can justify crime — if the results obtained can 
excuse the infamy of the means employed to accomplish 
them — England, to be excused, would only have to display 
her long list of spoliations, and to point proudly to what she 
has gained. Here would be found enough to tempt less 
easy consciences, to encourage ambition even of less bold 
character. The political traders of Great Britain, those 
skilful traffickers in human flesh, can cast up the balance 
sheet, and a formidable list of people and territory will be 
found on the credit side. When England once plants her 
foot on a territory, she never leaves it. She develops her 
resources, advances, and daily adds to her landed acquisi- 
tions : the population is destroyed, sometimes by arsenic, 
as in New Holland — sometimes by opium, as in China, 
or they are reduced to slavery. She makes her depreda- 
tions a right, her piracies a title ; she identifies herself so 
thoroughly with the soil, that there is no longer a place for 
the natives ; and the cry of usurpation is heard when the 
disabused people claim the inheritance of their fathers. 

At the beginning of this century, the English possessed 
only a small island in the Mediterranean. None of their 
fleets were to be found in those waters which they now 
pretend to govern. The first squadron sent there was to 
arrest the march of the French armies in the East towards 
the land of the Pharaohs, and afterwards to prevent the 
communication of France with its new colony. But the 
sight of a few vessels, bearing the tri-colored flag, in the two 
small ports of Suez and Cosseir, opened their eyes. The 
genius of Britain soon understood the importance of the 



298 conclusion 

isthmus and Red Sea, as the political and commercial route 
from Gibraltar to the Indies. From AhisVime, England has 
never quitted the Mediterranean. 

These spoliations were facilitated by the complaisance 
of the European powers ; and the congress of Vienna re- 
cognised her sovereignty over Malta and the Ionian islands, 
without inquiring into her claims. 

We must not forget that the first war commenced by 
England against France was to protect the interests of Hol- 
land. Under this pretext, the English introduced their 
troops into the opulent island of Ceylon, drove out from it 
the garrison of their allies, and have never left it since. 
The Cape of Good Hope was usurped in the same manner 
and by the same allies ; and the Cape and Ceylon were de- 
livered up to England by the congress of Vienna, which 
was always ready to sanction violence and treachery. 

But if England has profited by the troubles of war to in- 
troduce herself secretly to her allies and rob them, she 
avails herself also of the leisure of peace to found new es- 
tablishments in remote lands. The possession of Arden 
gave her the control of the Red Sea ; mistress of Bushire, 
she commands the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the 
Tigris and Euphrates. Aided by the possession of the 
Malonian islands, she commands the Straits of Magellan ; 
from the summit of the rock of Gibraltar, she surveys the 
Pillars of Hercules ; Heligoland gives her the mouth of 
the Elbe ; Jersey and Guernsey, access to France ; in the 
Antilles, she surrounds with her numerous positions the 
solitary islands of Martinique and Guadaloupe ; the bom- 
bardment of Beyroot and St. Jean d'Acre threw her garri- 
sons on the coast of Syria ; and the insurrection of Candia, 
fomented by her, will doubtless bring this island under the 
Ionian protectorate. The power of Britain is seen in every 
sea visited by a merchant-vessel ; and whatever shores it. 
visits, it passes under the cannon of a British fortress. 
England has stationed herself on all the great maritime 



CONCLUSION. 299 

routes, ready to dispute their passage ; she has fortified 
herself in every strait and pass, ready to close them by a 
chain of vessels. 

An intrepid traveller, a greedy jackal, England explores 
every coast and rock, and turns to her advantage the dis- 
coveries of geography and the progress of science. Among 
the great rivers of the world, one only has escaped her re- 
searches and power. The Niger, whose abundant waters 
wash the unknown countries of central Africa, could neither 
be traced in its course, nor could its source be found by 
European explorers ; its inhospitable banks repelled the 
advances of science, and a murderous climate destroyed 
the hardy traveller who might escape the cruelty of the na- 
tives. The bold adventurers who dared to penetrate into 
it never returned, and the secret of their discoveries re- 
mains buried with them in those mysterious plains which 
have not yet given up their dead. 

The traditions of antiquity, and the narratives of the 
Arabian merchants, who extended their caravans into the 
interior of Africa, stated that in the centre of Nigritia was 
a large river, the waters of which passed through numerous 
and populous countries. But how could one arrive at this 
river without passing through savage and hostile people ? 
What seas received the tributary waters and communicated 
with it, it was impossible to say. Accident, one of those 
simple inspirations which rise among the children of the 
people when all the calculations of science have failed, 
finally made this great discovery. Two English sailors, 
the brothers Lander, arrived on the banks of the Niger, em- 
barked upon it, and then abandoned themselves to the cur- 
rent. They passed through countries which were unknown 
even by name, and finally came into the Atlantic ocean. 
From that time, the river was open. Central Africa be- 
longed to that European people who could ascend the Ni- 
ger. The British cabinet fully understood this, and took 
measures to pursue their new conquest. For this, it was 



300 CONCLUSION. 

necessary to command the mouth of the river, and to close 
it against other Europeans. England lost no time. The 
Niger opens into the Bay of Biafra, at the bottom of the 
Gulf of Guinea. This bay contains several islands, situ- 
ated at very unequal distances from the mouths of the great 
African river. The nearest and largest is the island of Fer- 
nando Po, which, by its extent and position, commands all 
the others. This island belongs to Spain. Now England 
had sent to the aid of constitutional Spain a British legion, 
composed of the refuse of her population, who were more 
distinguished for their excesses than their valor. Accord- 
ing to the accounts of the chancellor, there were still sixty 
thousand pounds due to these valiant soldiers. The Eng- 
lish government, therefore, proposed to the court at Madrid 
to release them from this payment, for the cession of the 
islands of Fernando Po and Annobon, situated in the Bay 
of Biafra. This latter island is much smaller, and further 
from the mouth of the Niger ; but they enclose between 
them the two Portuguese islands Princes and St. Thomas, 
so that the possession of Fernando Po and Annobon com- 
mands this small archipelago. Although the Spanish cortes 
rejected the proposition of England, yet the English have 
commenced an establishment in the island of Fernando Po, 
and, in our opinion, will not be disposed to leave it. They 
will not be discouraged by the first refusal, but will remain 
there, either by force or stratagem. From this, it is easy 
to understand the importance of the arrangement thus pro- 
posed to Spain. England wished to become master of the 
mouth of the Niger, and consequently of central Africa. 
The islands of Fernando Po and Annobon were to be the 
centres of trade and fortresses. Africa, like the whole of 
Asiatic India, would be a tributary to Great Britain ; and 
the Niger, the course of which was so fortunately discov- 
ered, and which should have been devoted to science, is 
opened only to the commercial speculations of England. 
In order the better to cloak its ambitious designs, the 



CONCLUSION, 301 

British government asserts that it makes these conquests 
only in the spirit of Christian philanthropy, and in order 
to break up the slave-trade, which it cannot do by its fleets. 

In fact, whenever a generous idea rises up in the bosoms 
of its citizens, the government turns it to political account, 
and the charity of individuals becomes an instrument for 
the acquisition of new power. Its hypocritical combinations 
have even caused one to doubt the sincerity of those whose 
views it has advanced ; and from the manner in which the 
moral ideas are carried out, a perfidious understanding has 
been suspected between its preachers and politicians. 

Thus, when generous men raised their voices in parlia- 
ment against the slave trade, the whole world was seduced 
by that noble disinterestedness, which advocated the liber- 
ation of so many who had so long been disinherited ; but 
when the English government profited by this Christian 
manifestation to destroy the French colonies, to invite the 
blacks of St. Domingo to insurrection, to impose the tyran- 
ny of its visits upon the vessels of every nation, it was pro- 
per to mistrust this philanthropy, and while one would ren- 
der justice to Wilberforce, he must sigh for the abuses with 
which his exhortations have been followed. 

Even now, a new association is formed at London, with 
a view to the abolition of slavery, and the development of 
civilization in Africa. It looked to the region of the Niger. 
We certainly would not doubt the sincerity of its founders, 
but from the eclat attending this enterprise, we must look 
upon it with suspicion, particularly in consequence of the 
active part taken by the cabinet of St. James in this philan- 
thropic work. In fact, on the first requisition of the asso- 
ciation, the government consented to send three steamboats 
to ascend the Niger, and found upon its banks establish- 
ments who will enter into permanent relations with its Af- 
rican population. Now we know what are the relations of 
the English government with the populations among whom 
it plants its standard. And although the first attempts at 
26 



302 CONCLUSION. 

founding these establishments have been unsuccessful, yet 
England will never desist from her efforts, until the British 
flag waves over Africa, as it now does over India.* 

One has only to connect the announcement of this expe- 
dition with the negotiation opened with the Spanish gov- 
ernment in regard to the Island of Fernando Po and Anno- 
bon, and we have the secret of British generosity ; and one 
can thus explain why a nation who has millions dying of 
want within her borders, and subjected to privations and 
sufferings, cruelties, and indignities, which are never inflicted 
on any slave, should be actuated by such tender regard for 
the blacks of Central Africa. 

These nations whom it is pretended to regenerate, will 
soon set a proper value upon the protection of England, and 
will soon find out the expense of her sympathy. While 

* The following account of the termination of the Niger expedition, is 
from an English correspondent of the London Times at Cape Coast Castle : — 

" The Wilberforce, you will recollect, was here in March last, at which 
time Captain W. Allen was preparing to re-ascend the Niger, to look after 
the ' Model Farm' people, and if possible, to do something to retrieve the 
fame of the expedition. He proceeded hence to Ferdinand Po, to fit out 
the Soudan, to accompany him. While he was still lying there, the Kite 
steamer arrived with orders from government that only one vessel was to 
go up the river, and that she was only to have on board four or five white 
men at most. Her only object in going up was to be the bringing back the 
people left at the farm. On receiving these orders Captain Allen and most 
of the officers and crew went on board the Kite for a passage to England. 
The other commissioner (Cook) went home by the Golden Spring. The 
Wilberforce, under charge of her present commander (Lieutenant Webb), 
proceeded up the river, and found the ' Model Farm' a very perfect model 
of disorganization. 

" The blacks who had been left at it, having plenty of cowies (species of 
India shell used as money) and goods, voted themselves to be independent 
country gentlemen, and managed to get hold of a lot of natives whom they 
coolly made slaves of, and whom they compelled to work on the farm, each 
gentleman being provided with a cat., or slave-driver's whip, the better to en- 
force obedience. The model farmer himself (Carr, brother of the Chief 
Justice of Sierra Leone) has never been heard of, and had, as it afterwards 
appeared, been killed somewhere near the mouth of the river." 

Here it is admitted by an English writer, that an expedition sent into 
Central Africa by a society for the abolition of slavery, and with the sanc- 
tion and aid of the British government, actually established a slave factory ! ! 
Comment is unnecessary. 



CONCLUSION. 303 

England is thus quietly laying the foundation of her Afri- 
can empire, her indefatigable ambition has endeavored to 
shorten the distance between the immense empires which 
it occupies from Delhi to Calcutta. England has even ex- 
tended her hand to her old rival, Russia, and come with 
chivalric devotion to offer her men and vessels to chastise 
a rebel vassal on the coast of Syria, who compromised the 
safety of the Ottoman empire. For England to contend for 
a principle would certainly be something new. But those 
who look into the subject will see that Syria is the surest 
and most direct route to the Anglo-Indian possessions, and 
that Mehemet-Ali, the possessor of Syria, might be formid- 
able. As Beyrout and St. Jean d'Acre would form excellent 
military positions in the Mediterranean, Beyrout and St. 
Jean d'Acre must be occupied by British troops. Thus 
the treaty of the 15th of July became an insult to France, 
and also a profitable speculation for England. 

This fortunate expedition was also in accordance with 
views which had been entertained for a long time. Eng- 
land wished to proceed to India by the Red sea. For many 
years, it had explored and surveyed its coasts. The amount 
of money expended upon this work (four millions) proves 
the importance attached to it ; but it was soon ascertained 
that this route presented serious difficulties. For four 
months in the year, the monsoons rendered the navigation 
uncertain and dangerous, at all times the coasts were diffi- 
cult of access, and inhospitable ; there was no trace of coal, 
and finally the navigation was always at the mercy of the 
pacha of Egypt. England then resolved to turn her atten- 
tion to Syria, and the Euphrates. 

The first documents in regard to this latter point were 
obtained by a base fraud. A Frenchman, M. de Laccaris, 
was sent by Napoleon to explore Mesopotamia and the Eu- 
phrates ; he had collected many documents showing that 
the passage might be made to India by the Orontes, Aleppo, 
and the Euphrates. The papers of M. de Laccaris were 



304 CONCLUSION. 

stolen from him at Alexandria in 1814, and sent to the Eng- 
lish consul. Fortified by these valuable instructions, the 
British cabinet verified the projects of Laccaris by its 
agents. In 1835, Captain Chesney descended the Euphra- 
tes and the Tigris to Bombay, and found them navigable in 
every part. It was then necessary only to connect the 
Euphrates with the Mediterranean. Now, the Orontes, 
which empties into this sea, is also navigable to Lattaquia 
(the ancient Antioch) ; from the borders of the Orontes, the 
route is very easy to Aleppo, as it is from Aleppo to the 
borders of the Euphrates. Hence, the route to India was 
opened without much effort. The old port of Seleucia, 
situated at the mouth of the Orontes, requires some labor, 
and the roads of Alexandria, at its mouth, can contain large 
fleets. Finally, at the foot of Mount Taurus, abundance of 
coal and iron is found, surrounded by forests of oak and 
other wood. Hence, it is easy to see the powerful inter- 
est of England, in establishing herself on the coast of Syr- 
ia, under pretence of maintaining the integrity of the Otto- 
man empire. Faithful to its old habits, it robbed the allies 
it came to defend, and the importunities of Lord Palmerston 
were so profitable, that even the Tories did not object. 
The humiliation of France, and aggrandizement of England, 
were the results of that solemn mystification, called the 
treaty of July 15 ! 

The consequences of this diplomacy were soon seen. 
Lieutenant Campbell was ordered at Bombay to ascend the 
river, which Captain Chesney had descended, and his suc- 
cess opened the route from India to Syria. It was then 
seen that in sixteen days one could go from Bombay to 
Beles, at the northern extremity of Mesopotamia, near Alep- 
po, forty-five leagues from the Mediterranean. From Beles 
to Alexandretta is a distance of only three days, and the voy- 
age from Alexandretta to Liverpool can be made in fifteen 
days. Hence, one month of continual navigation connects 
the vast possessions of India with the metropolis. 



CONCLUSION. 305 

The population on the borders of the Tigris and Euphra- 
tes will soon come under the British yoke. At Bagdad, 
which is already the centre of operations, is an English 
consul who is guarded by a company of Indian sepoys. 
His house is situated on the Tigris, and is surrounded by 
a fortified wall, at the foot of which the exploring vessels 
are moored. 

In a few years, the English will be masters of the mar- 
ket of this city, and also those of Bassora and Aleppo, 
which are the depots of Diarbekir and Kourdistan, of a 
part of Syria, the whole of Mesopotamia, and Persia. In 
this manner a new continent is usurped ; and while the 
British government expels the French from a miserable 
island, which served them as an hospital, it prepares for its 
merchants a new commercial market which will consume 
fifteen millions worth of goods. 

But it is not simply these immense commercial conquests 
which endanger Europe. Another result much more im- 
portant, is that England is increasing to a great degree, her 
military power. Hitherto her forces have consisted in 
fleets and money. But her armies have been commercially 
inferior to those of the great European powers. But in her 
Indian possessions she possesses an army of one hundred 
and eighty thousand sepoys, excellent soldiers, and better 
disciplined than the British troops. From this time, by the 
new route she can bring these formidable auxiliaries into 
Europe, and appear in the field of battle with a power she 
has never before possessed. Let Europe, let France take 
warning. The Anglo-Indian empire will extend from the 
banks of the Mediterranean. The ancient kingdom is to 
become an appendage to the states taken from the Grand 
Mogul ; the proud rivers of Babylon will surrender their 
tributaries to the flag which waves over the fertile waters 
of Bengal, and this primitive world of oriental civilization 
will be only one vast market opened to the speculations 
and avidity of British commerce. 

26* 



306 CONCLUSION. 

If these audacious politicians would content themselves 
by distant expeditions which open new markets for industry 
and afford a new recompense for labor, one might view 
their combinations with some degree of favor. It must be 
admitted that this commerce brings men in contact, and is 
a step towards the realization of the unity of the human 
family. But the government of St. James is not influenced 
by any such considerations. It only desires a market for 
English manufactures, and while it establishes this market 
in Asia and Africa by the sword and by oppression, it acts 
in Europe by intrigue and corruption. Impatient of all com- 
petition, and jealous of success, it wages war upon rival in- 
dustry, and paralyzes every effort but its own. Wo to 
those people who have accepted England's interested pro- 
tection ! Portugal allowed herself to be imposed upon by 
this ruinous patronage, and Portugal has witnessed the de- 
struction of her manufactures, the ruin of her industry. In- 
active, and condemned to live on external products, it is 
only a depot for British manufactures. Even the riches ol 
its fine soil are under the tyranny of its rulers ; for its most 
fertile fields belong to English companies, and it has be- 
come tributary to the stranger even for its natural produc- 
tions. 

Spain also has felt the sad benefits of this alliance, even 
when the British government sent its armies to free her 
from Imperial rule. One fact has escaped much notice, 
because the historians have dwelt upon the more important 
events of the war ; it is this, that the ravages designedly 
committed by the English in the manufacturing towns of 
their allies, were much more fatal to Spain than all the con- 
quests of the French invasion. How many goods were 
burned by the British ? How many manufacturers were 
ruined on their march ? The war of the peninsula was 
conducted in such a manner as to make the industry of 
England as necessary to Spain as her armies ; it was a 
campaign waged by the British against the internal industry 



CONCLUSION. 307 

of Spain, as well as against her foreign enemies. Hence, 
the ravages committed by her professed enemy, were re- 
paired long since ; but the wounds inflicted by their ally 
are still bleeding, and will require many years to heal. 

Since the peace, the British government has neglected 
no means to avail themselves of this market by this fraudu- 
lent alliance. It intrigues against those manufactures which 
had been established. Every one knows the machinations 
of its agents in the manufacturing cities of Catalonia. We 
all know, that the laborers of Barcelona excited by Colonel 
Mitchell, committed outrages which endangered all the 
manufacturers of this imperial city ; they organized clubs ; 
discussed openly the subjects of a tariff, pay, hours of la- 
bor, and threatened the manufacturer with death, if he did 
not comply with their demands. Many manufacturers were 
ruined by these demands, and the workmen did not discov- 
er the perfidy of these anarchical councils, until they found 
themselves to be the first victims of them. 

The English, however, pursued their destructive projects 
with relentless constancy. Whenever Spain, exhausted by 
civil wars, attempted to negotiate a loan, England offered 
money ; but these offers were attended by a treaty of com- 
merce,* which was a treaty of ruin. And the English gov- 

* England has pursued the same course towards Mexico that she did 
towards Spain, and in due time will add California to her territory, in 
payment for loans made to Mexico. A late writer in the New York 
Courier and Enquirer remarks : — 

<• It is understood that the district of California was offered by the 
Mexican government to that of Cireat Britain, in payment of a debt, 
amounting to ,£12,000,000; but as the British government has a mort- 
gage vpon the custom-house duties of Vera Cruz, which is the principal port 
of entry for Mexico, it declined the cession. This information is believed 
to be correct, as it was rumored in the best-informed circles in the city of 
Mexico, and believed to be derived from a source entitled to the fullest 
credit. It is well known that Mexico possesses an extent of territory be- 
yond her ability to control. The district of California is densely filled 
witli savage and warlike Indians : and it should not be matter for surprise 
if Mexico, with an exhausted treasury, knowing her inability to protect 
and populate this district, should be disposed to cede it in liquidation of 
the heavy claims of citizens of other nations against her." 



308 CONCLUSION. 

eminent did not attempt to disguise its views : for in the 
treaty made with Spain, to enable Mendizabal to obtain a 
loan from Great Britain, the extinction of Spanish industry 
had been foreseen so thoroughly, that he had stipulated for 
a portion of the loan to be paid to the operatives of Cata- 
lonia. 

The course pursued by England was the same as that oi 
the usurers, who prepare beforehand for the ruin of those 
whom they pretend to assist. In the eye of the British 
politician, a contract made is always the same as a battle- 
ground : a treaty of alliance always conceals some act of 
spoliation. Still more recently, Prussia has been victimized 
by one of those diplomatic transactions, under the appear- 
ance of friendship. 

Notwithstanding the extent of territory gained by Prussia 
by the treaty of the congress of Vienna, she had not ac- 
quired the influence formerly possessed by Frederick the 
Great. Saxony, which was then under its rule, had be- 
come independent ; Poland, which had supplied her witli 
men and money, was now a Russian province ; the Hanse- 
atic cities, which commanded several ports of the Baltic 
and the North Sea, were under the influence of England 
and Austria. Driven from the markets in Asia by the pro 
hibitory system adopted by Russia — arrested in her agri 
cultural pursuits by the poor-laws of England — her farmer*: 
and manufacturers were threatened on all sides. Insulation 
was a serious danger to her. 

She then saw that it was necessary to oppose to the in- 
fluence of Russia and England an imposing mass of forces 
and interests : and therefore appealed to German nationali- 
ty, and attempted to combine in one league all the small 
states around her. The internal custom-houses, and the 
numerous regulations of the intermediate states, checked 
the developments of industry, and the happiness of the pop- 
ulation. Prussia succeeded in removing these barriers, 
and in 1833 she had established a uniform system of 



CONCLUSION. 309 

custom-house regulations for most of the German states, 
with a view to their union in one body and under one flag 
— satisfied that commercial harmony would lead the way to 
political unity. 

Until this time, England had not been uneasy at an asso- 
ciation, the developments of which had been so slow and 
difficult. But it was soon proposed to establish a navy, 
which might enable the German Customs Union to provide 
itself for the wants of its own commerce. A common flag 
was to float over the vessels of all the states of this associ- 
ation. The English cabinet then became alarmed ; the 
common flag terrified them. The Union had already driven 
the English merchants from the markets of Germany. The 
creation of a new marine would close the ports of the 
Baltic against them. It was necessary to rebut these dan- 
gerous ideas of maritime independence, or to paralyze them 
by an union with them. The latter mode was the surest, 
and that most in accordance with the perfidious nature of 
the British cabinet. 

It therefore hastened to conclude a treaty with the Han- 
seatic cities, and then offered to make a treaty with the 
German Union. This was a great triumph for the Union, 
to force into an alliance a nation which had hitherto dic- 
tated laws to all the markets ; and the Union accepted, per- 
haps too easily, a contract, all the advantages of which were 
on the side of England. 

In fact, the first article stipulates that the duties of im- 
port and export shall be reciprocal on national vessels 
loaded with natural and manufactured articles, coming from 
the countries ruled by the contracting parties. This clause 
seems to confer equal rights, but this is extremely decep- 
tive : for England exports to Germany all her native pro- 
ductions, her colonial products, and even the foreign pro- 
ducts of all parts of the world ; she can carry merchandise 
to the value of two hundred and twenty millions of pounds. 
The German Union, on the contrary, can only export her 



310 CONCLUSION. 

own products, amounting to fifty or sixty millions. It is 
seen that the balance is sufficiently favorable to the mer- 
chants of Great Britain. 

The treaty, also, when it was published on the 5th of 
May, 1841, excited many complaints, especially in the cen- 
tre and south of Germany. The eastern provinces, devoted 
entirely to agriculture, were not displeased with a treaty 
which ensured them a market for their products. But the 
central and southern provinces, where industry had taken 
so rapid a start, will have now to sustain a ruinous compe- 
tition with England, which has provided new consumers for 
its formidable army of producers. 

Besides the direct profits gained by Great Britain in this 
commercial treaty, not a small advantage is that of introdu- 
cing discord and division among the German states, hith- 
erto so closely united. In 1 southern and central 
provinces, who live by manufactures, arc indignant at the 
treaty, while the eastern provinces are well pleased with it. 
There is an open strife between the agricultural and manu- 
facturing interests. The association, hitherto strong in its 
unity and harmony, is now severed by English intervention, 
and is injured not only m its material and temporary inter- 
ests, but also in the moral power resulting from its harmo- 
ny. Although but a short time ha I since this fatal 
alliance was formed, yet its existence is already compro- 
mised by the fata] breath of English policy. 

It was the wish of England for the German Union not to 
create a marine, and she has succeeded : for England has 
become the great carrier of the Baltic. This, however, is 
certain : that if England could not have prevented the 
formation of a marine, she would soon have destroyed it by 
a war ; for its first principle is to consider as an enemy 
every power that builds vessels. Its jealous eye is upon 
every dock-yard, and, in her view, every vessel which floats 
violates her territory — the ocean. This is the secret of its 
hatred and friendships. If the pacha of Egypt has mer- 



CONCLUSION. 311 

ited its anger, it is because he has built a fleet ; if she at- 
tacked the sultan at Navarino, it was because he had added 
new forces to the Turkish marine ; if she exercises the 
right of search upon American vessels on the coast of Af- 
rica, and does all she can to break up American commerce 
in the African continent, it is because the navy of the young 
republic is rapidly gaining strength and importance. 

The official piracy of the government of England is imi- 
tated in every part, and it is seen even in the fishing-vessels 
which trespass upon the territory of France. Smuggling, 
too, is boldly carried on by the English on the Spanish 
coast, where the authorities are braved, and the people are 
put down by brute force. While the Spanish factories are 
destroyed by the treaty of commerce, the cabinet of St. 
James throws its patriot soldiery on its banks ; and in order 
that no doubt may exist as to its complicity, they are permit- 
ted to retreat into the port of Gibraltar. Every day reveals 
some new fact of depredations and insolent tyranny ; every 
shore bears testimony to her commercial rapacity and con- 
stant usurpations. The changes in the British cabinet, 
however, have not changed its external policy : Whigs and 
Tories pursue the same course ; for Whigs and Tories are 
only the different shades of the same tyranny — the modifi- 
cations of the same idea. Of these two rival parties, that 
which is the most popular is not that which is the most to 
be feared ; and whenever one party commences reform, it 
is because its power is perceived to be decreasing, and 
its influence to be on the wane. The Tories did not grant 
Catholic emancipation until all Ireland had conspired to 
separate from England ; and the Whigs would not assent to 
a reform of the corn-laws until they had lost their majority 
in Parliament. The existence of the ministry was meas- 
ured before they ascertained that bread was too dear. It 
is not, then, to be regretted that this tardy expiation could 
not save them. They labored much less for the people than 
for themselves ■ and doubtless if the danger had passed, 



312 CONCLUSION. 

they would soon deceive those who trusted too readily to 
them. But the last contests have demonstrated the com- 
plete similitude between their morality and that of their ad- 
versaries. Certainly, in view of what has occurred, neither 
party can reproach the other, and both parties have gained 
for themselves an unenviable notoriety by the scenes of 
corruption witnessed at the hustings. Tories and Whigs, 
obstinate Conservatives, and sudden Reformers, have in- 
vited the people to scandalous orgies. It is with the purse 
in hand that they demonstrate their right to seats in Parlia- 
liament ; it is gold which decides the merit of legislators. 
The electoral market is open ; the candidates make secret 
inquiries concerning each other, to know the sums which 
they are respectively prepared to expend. Buyers and 
sellers are mutually engaged in this monstrous corruption, 
and the nation belongs to the highest bidder : the richest 
men are the most suitable for Parliament. It is in England 
particularly that money presents an irresistible argument ; 
the majority in Parliament is emphatically the balance of 
the pecuniary forces of the two parties. 

Thus all is deceit in this government ; even the repre- 
sentative system, which it boasts of having first introduced, 
is reduced to be a scandalous comedy and a shameful busi- 
ness transaction. Melbourne and Peel, Palmerston and 
Aberdeen, all follow the same principle ; they traffic to 
govern. Corrumpcre et corrumpi sceculum vocant. 

The defeat of the Whigs, then, is regretted neither by 
morality nor humanity ; and if France has nothing to gain 
from those who have attained power, she had nothing to 
lose by those who have lost it. On every occasion, the 
Whig cabinet has exhibited a jealous malevolence and in- 
solent hostility towards France, and has claimed the grati- 
tude of the British nation for attacks upon her. When 
Belgium became an independent nation, in 1831, and de- 
manded to be united with France, who prevented this union, 
which was ordained by the nature of things, and by the 



CONCLUSION. 313 

wishes of the people ? When, after ten years of suffering, 
during which Belgium saw her industry confined and wast- 
ing daily, she entreated France to aid her in the establish- 
ment of custom-house regulations on her commercial fron- 
tiers — when she solicited permission to live as a manufac- 
turing country, if not as a commercial state — who opposed 
it 1 Who excited Europe against France for making a 
commercial treaty 1 Who excited the signers of the treaty 
of Vienna against an industrial treaty between Paris and 
Brussels'? It was the Whigs, who, by their intrigues, 
threats, and secret instigations, consummated the ruin of 
Belgian industry ; while at the same time they entered into 
ruinous competition with French commerce. 

In Spain, the Whigs have proclaimed the errors of the 
blind or perfidious French diplomatists, making enemies 
of those who were formerly friends. France has now 
nearly lost her influence in the peninsula ; the French name 
is despised, when it is not cursed, and this sad prerogative 
is owing to the plots of the Whigs as much as to the mis- 
takes of French policy. They have organized hatred 
against France ; they have hired detractors of her glory, 
and calumniators of her former loyalty ; and the better to 
secure the success of their falsehoods, they have prevented 
all intercourse between the envoys of the French govern- 
ment and all those who exercise an influence in the affairs 
of the peninsula. 

Need we recur to the treason of the 15th of July ? Was 
it not a Whig who addressed to France those insolent provo- 
cations, the terms of which still grate upon our ears ? Was 
it not a Whig who said that France was chained down by 
the treaties of 1815, and could not even complain against 
her jailers, lest England should send a fleet against her 
maritime cities 1 

No ! France has no cause to feel grateful to a cabinet 
which yields to the efforts of a corruption deeper but not 
more inveterate than its own. On the other hand, it would 
27 



314 CONCLUSION. 

be rash to congratulate herself upon this change in the cabi- 
net, for it is not a political modification ; it is only a family 
quarrel, where the domestic tyrant has been changed, al- 
though the tyranny remains the same. Our accusations 
have lost nothing of their force under the heirs of Canning 
and Grey, and they ought not to be hushed towards the in- 
heritors of Pitt and Castlereagh. 

Let it not be thought that we wish, in a vain spirit of 
military ambition, to invoke unnecessary wars, and to aspire 
to personal triumphs. We do not admit it ; the people now 
wish for order and peace ; they desire other glories than 
the glories of arms, and covet other conquests than those 
of territory. But we demand the extinction of that English 
oligarchy which causes misfortune and disorder in every 
part of the globe. England alone now sanctions violence 
and perpetuates spoliation ; she alone distuibs the security 
of nations, and brings the peace of the world into question. 
Let the world, then, gain peace by one more war. Seize 
in their stronghold those pirates, to whom is attributed a 
monopoly of crime. Assemble, under the flag of civiliza- 
tion and justice, every nation which has an account to settle 
with the arrogant aristocracy of Britain. Call together the 
formidable cohorts of victims, from North America to the 
East Indies — from the Gulf of Mexico to the Mediterra- 
nean — from the North Sea to the Cape of Good Hope ! 
Men of every race will come to assist in punishing the 
common enemy ; and every nation in the world will seem, 
in the eyes of the expiring oligarchy, to repeat in turn 
those fated words which rang in the ears of Richard the 
Third — " Despair and die !" 



THE END. 



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